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591.
Anne Mariel Peters Pete W. Moore 《Studies in Comparative International Development (SCID)》2009,44(3):256-285
Drawing on recent critiques and advances in theories of the rentier state, this paper uses an in-depth case study of the Hashemite
Kingdom of Jordan to posit a new “supply and demand” approach to the study of external rents and authoritarian durability.
The Jordanian rentier state is not exclusively a product of external rents, particularly foreign aid, but also of the demands
of a coalition encompassing groups with highly disparate economic policy preferences. The breadth of the Hashemite coalition
requires that the regime dispense rent-fueled side payments to coalition members through constructing distributive institutions.
Yet neither rent supply nor coalition demands are static. Assisted by geopolitically motivated donors, the Hashemites have
adapted institutions over time to tap a diverse supply of rents that range from economic and military aid to protocol trade,
allowing them to retain power through periods of late development, domestic political crisis, and neoliberal conditionality.
Anne Mariel Peters is Assistant Professor of Government at Wesleyan University, Middletown, CT. Her recent dissertation, Special Relationships, Dollars, and Development, examines the relationship among US aid, coalition politics, and institutions in Egypt, Jordan, South Korea, and Taiwan. Her current research examines the use of donor-financed “parallel institutions” in the postwar reconstruction of Iraq and Afghanistan. Pete W. Moore is Associate Professor of Political Science at Case Western Reserve University, Cleveland, OH. He has conducted research and published on issues of comparative political economy and US trade policy in the Middle East. His current research as a 2008–2009 Fulbright Fellow in the United Arab Emirates examines how the civil war in Iraq is reshaping regional political economies. 相似文献
Pete W. MooreEmail: |
Anne Mariel Peters is Assistant Professor of Government at Wesleyan University, Middletown, CT. Her recent dissertation, Special Relationships, Dollars, and Development, examines the relationship among US aid, coalition politics, and institutions in Egypt, Jordan, South Korea, and Taiwan. Her current research examines the use of donor-financed “parallel institutions” in the postwar reconstruction of Iraq and Afghanistan. Pete W. Moore is Associate Professor of Political Science at Case Western Reserve University, Cleveland, OH. He has conducted research and published on issues of comparative political economy and US trade policy in the Middle East. His current research as a 2008–2009 Fulbright Fellow in the United Arab Emirates examines how the civil war in Iraq is reshaping regional political economies. 相似文献
592.
Nicole Dubus 《Journal of immigrant & refugee studies》2018,16(4):413-429
The article presents a qualitative study of 110 providers and administrators of refugee services from four countries: United States, Switzerland, Germany, and Iceland. Of the total participants, 28 were male and 82 were female. The sample consisted of 83 social workers who provided direct services to refugees and 27 administrators who managed the programs. The interviews occurred over a period of 3 years from January 2014 to January 2017. The participants described what they perceived to be the goals of resettlement and the successful outcomes of their work with refugees. Findings show that providers and administrators varied in what they believed to be the goals and outcomes, with three main differences emerging: (1) lessening the transition burden; (2) acquisition of language and securing self-sufficient employment; and (3) enhancing the integration of resilience within the refugee. These differences are discussed in terms of how they differ in resources required and in outcomes. The implications of these differences are addressed. 相似文献
593.
Nicole Janz 《Journal of Human Rights》2018,17(2):163-183
The impact of foreign direct investment (FDI) on repression in developing nations is still disputed. Some argue that FDI improves economic development and exports human rights values. Others criticize the exploitation of cheap labor and resources, which may lead to tensions and government oppression. Previous studies have employed aggregate FDI data with conflicting results. Alternatively, I propose that the effects depend on what kind of FDI enters a country. I build a sectoral framework to discuss how skills and technology levels, as well as the motivation for FDI, can mediate the impact. I then examine the link in a panel data analysis (1983–2010) in 121 countries, integrating sectoral FDI in several resource, manufacturing, and service industries. The results show that investment in high-skilled and high-tech sectors has positive effects. The results are robust across several measures for repression, and when accounting for sector size, regional and time effects. 相似文献
594.
This article presents a three-dimensional conceptualisation of conflict of interest (COI) regulation directed towards assuring the impartial and unbiased decision-making of parliamentarians. It distinguishes and separately measures (based on a new dataset) COI strictness, sanctions and transparency and shows that they indeed constitute empirically separate dimensions of parliamentary ethics regimes adopted in European democracies. In order to illustrate the usefulness of these indices, the article then examines the relationship between the three indices and trust in national parliaments across 25 democracies. Unlike the Sanctions and Transparency indices, the COI Strictness Index (composed of strictness of rules and enforcement) has a significant and robust negative association with trust, which highlights the importance of disentangling different elements of COI regimes. While future research has to explore the causal relationships between COI regulation and trust, capturing the complexity of COI regimes in an unbiased fashion and thereby making them comparable across European democracies is an essential step towards doing so. 相似文献
595.
We used the Moving to Opportunity (MTO) housing experiment to inform how Housing Choice Vouchers and housing mobility policies can assist families living in high-poverty areas to make opportunity moves to higher quality neighborhoods, across a wide range of neighborhood attributes. We compared the neighborhood attainment of the three randomly assigned MTO treatment groups (low-poverty voucher, Section 8 voucher, control group) at 1997 and 2002 locations (4–7 years after baseline), using survey reports, and by linking residential histories to numerous different administrative and population-based data sets. Compared with controls, families in low-poverty and Section 8 groups experienced substantial improvements in neighborhood conditions across diverse measures, including economic conditions, social systems (e.g., collective efficacy), physical features of the environment (e.g., tree cover) and health outcomes. The low-poverty voucher group, moreover, achieved better neighborhood attainment compared with Section 8. Treatment effects were largest for New York, New York, and Los Angeles, California. We discuss the implications of our findings for expanding affordable housing policy. 相似文献
596.
Though much research has been devoted to a range of socioeconomic and political consequences of natural disasters, little is known about the possible gendered effects of disasters beyond the well-documented immediate effects on women’s physical well-being. This paper explores the extent to which natural disasters affect women’s economic and political rights in disaster-hit countries. We postulate that natural disasters are likely to contribute to the rise of systematic gendered discrimination by impairing state capacity for rights protection as well as instigating economic and political instability conducive to women’s rights violations. To substantiate the theoretical claims, we combine data on women’s economic and political rights with data on nine different natural disaster events—droughts, earthquakes, epidemics, extreme temperatures, floods, slides, volcanic eruptions, windstorms, and wildfires. Results from the data analysis for the years 1990–2011 suggest that natural disasters have a detrimental effect on the level of respect for both women’s economic and political rights. One major policy implication of our findings is that disasters could be detrimental to women’s status beyond the immediate effects on their personal livelihoods, and thus, policymakers, relief organizations, and donors should develop strategies to prevent gendered discrimination in the economy and political sphere in the affected countries. 相似文献
597.
Javier F. Boyas Yi Jin Kim Tanya L. Sharpe Debra J. Moore Kayla Prince-Stehley 《Child & Youth Services》2017,38(1):24-52
This cross-sectional study used an ecological framework to understand the risk and protective factors associated with use of violence among African American adolescents ages 12–17 years (N = 2,328). Using data from the 2012 National Survey on Drug Use and Health, the authors study identified different direct paths in predicting use of violence among African American adolescents. The authors then computed a multigroup analysis to determine whether significant gender differences exist in use of violence. Path analysis results suggest micro, meso, and macro factors significantly predicted violence use. The strongest predictor of use of violence among African American youth was parental conflicts. The multigroup analysis suggests that the pathways to use of violence significantly differ between African American boys and girls. Among African American boys, the strongest predictor of increased use of violence was parental conflicts; among African American girls, it was negative peer influence. Findings suggest that all 3 ecological domains and gender differences should be accounted for when developing prevention or intervention services that target use of violence among young African Americans. 相似文献
598.
Courtenay R. Conrad Sarah E. Croco Brad T. Gomez Will H. Moore 《Political Behavior》2018,40(4):989-1009
When do Americans support the government’s use of torture? We argue that perceptions of threat undermine the extent to which American public opinion serves as a bulwark against government torture. Although surveys demonstrate that a slim majority of the American public generally opposes torture, using a nationally-representative survey experiment, we show that Americans are considerably more supportive of government abuse when it is directed at individuals who they perceive as threatening: specifically, when a detainee has an Arabic name and when the alleged crime is terrorism. Given the malleability of public opinion as a potential constraint on abuse, our results underscore the importance of institutional protections of human rights. 相似文献
599.
600.
Gender-based violence has become an increasingly visible and salient public problem. In the Fall of 2015, the University of Connecticut’s Violence Against Women Prevention Program (VAWPP) implemented interactive workshops in first-year experience (FYE) classes to reduce rape myth acceptance, improve knowledge and understanding of the University’s affirmative consent policy, and increase confidence in interpreting cues related to sexual consent. This randomized experimental design tested whether these outcomes were realized as a result of the workshops. In almost all instances, the workshops substantially and statistically significantly decreased students’ rape myth acceptance, increased their knowledge and understanding of consent, and improved their confidence in cue interpretation. 相似文献