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Abstract: This article analyses the roles and impact of Interinstitutional Agreements (IIAs) in the EU, taking into account their relationship to primary law. Concretely speaking, these roles range from (a) explicitly authorised specifications of Treaty provisions via (b) not explicitly authorised specifications of vague Treaty law to (c) pure political undertaking. Based on the distinction between the constitutional and the operational level of the political game, we challenge the assumption that IIAs usually strengthen the European Parliament. As our case study, the 1993 interrelated package of IIAs on democracy, transparency and subsidiarity, illustrates, the European Parliament is not the only institution that benefits from IIAs, especially if they lack a sufficiently precise Treaty basis. Furthermore, if Treaty provisions underlying IIAs are precise, they also tend to produce precise and thus legally relevant content. Conversely, if IIAs deal primarily with elusive concepts they are likely to be legally ambiguous or even irrelevant at all. 相似文献
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Research has indicated that school factors such as communal school organization and student bonding are predictive of school disorder, with greater communal organization and greater student bonding leading to less delinquency and victimization. Data from a nationally representative sample of 254 public, nonalternative, secondary schools were used to examine structural equation models representing hypothesized relationships among communal school organization, student bonding, and school disorder. The hypothesis that communally organized schools would have less disorder held true for teacher victimization and student delinquency, but not for student victimization. In addition, the hypothesis that the relationship between communal school organization and school disorder would be mediated by student bonding was supported for student delinquency, but not for teacher victimization. 相似文献
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Samantha Pegg 《Liverpool Law Review》2007,28(3):425-448
This article focuses on media reportage of offensive juveniles, past and present, to elicit lessons that the twenty-first
century can learn from the Victorian past in terms of diversionary responses. How to prevent vulnerable juveniles sliding
into dangerous criminality is a continuing preoccupation: the issue explored in this article relates to the creation of the
identity of the criminal juvenile. In utilising the concept of semi-criminality to label certain types of juvenile anti-social
behaviour the Victorians avoided actual criminalisation of socially offensive but, in legal terms, minor behaviours. The reasons
for and negative consequences of the abandonment of this concept by the modern age are explored, including the reconceptualisation
of where responsibility for juvenile offending lies in the modern era. 相似文献