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排序方式: 共有120条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
41.
Nikolaj Petersen 《Scandinavian political studies》1998,21(1):1-28
Since 1951 a Danish-American defense agreement on Greenland has regulated US military activities there. The article gives a detailed empirical-theoretical analysis of the negotiation of the Agreement under five perspectives: bargaining power, agenda setting, negotiating positions, strategies and outcomes. An important parameter was the fact that negotiations took place in a cooperative setting with a long shadow of the future. This made for a skewed, though regular negotiation process with a give-and-take of positions, counter-positions and concessions. Negotiating strategies varied, with the US side concentrating on an "authority" strategy, while the Danes relied on a mixture of off-setting "moral" and "tied hands" strategies. Although the US got the best outcome, it was not a dictate, because the ground was leveled by the negotiations taking place as part of the build-up of a long-term security relationship and the fact that the United States was the demandeur vis-à-vis Denmark. 相似文献
42.
Valerie R. Anderson William S. Davidson II Ashlee R. Barnes Christina A. Campbell Jodi L. Petersen Eyitayo Onifade 《心理学、犯罪与法律》2016,22(7):666-677
Most criminogenic risk assessments are developed and empirically validated on samples of boys or samples comprised of mostly boys, and subsequently applied to girls. Using a sample of male (n = 1,267) and female (n = 453) probationers, the purpose of the current study was to examine the potentially differential performance of the Youth Level of Service/Case Management Inventory (YLS/CMI) and the instrument’s eight domains for female juvenile offenders. Findings revealed gender differences in the predictive validity of the YLS/CMI in which girls scored significantly higher on the risk assessment, but recidivated at significantly lower rates than boys two years following the administration of the assessment. The predictive validity of the instrument was impacted by these gender differences in which the YLS/CMI total score was a better predictor of recidivism for boys (area under the curve (AUC) = .623) than girls (AUC = .565). The only subscales that significantly predicted recidivism for girls were the family (AUC = .607) and personality (AUC = .572) domains, whereas all of the subscales significantly predicted recidivism for boys. Directions for future research as well as gender-responsive assessment, programming, and policy implications are discussed. 相似文献
43.
44.
Petersen Kimberly J. Humphrey Neil Qualter Pamela 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2022,51(6):1118-1133
Journal of Youth and Adolescence - The dual-factor model of mental health indicates the importance of simultaneously assessing symptoms and subjective wellbeing, but there is limited understanding... 相似文献
45.
46.
Bell SC Oldfield LS Shakleya DM Petersen JL Mercer JW 《Journal of forensic sciences》2006,51(4):808-811
This study examined microcrystals formed by silver with gamma-hydroxybutyric acid (GHB) and gamma-hydroxyvaleric acid (GHV), the five-carbon analog of GHB, in the presence of silver, copper, and lanthanide nitrates. Distinct microcrystals formed with silver (+1) and lanthanum (+3) ions but not with the copper (+2) ions. The crystals formed with GHB were distinctly different than those formed with GHV and in all cases, the drug microcrystals were easily distinguishable from reagent crystals. X-ray diffraction analysis provided definitive structure for the microcrystals. The morphological differences between the silver-GHB and silver-GHV crystals were characterized using simple measurements such as size and angles provided by image recognition software. The utility of the test for casework was demonstrated using spiked beverage samples. 相似文献
47.
Barbara K. Petersen 《Communication Law & Policy》2013,18(1):139-176
This article focuses on the need to move past First Amendment concerns to foster a meaningful debate about the licensing of public relations practitioners. Whether, and to what extent, public relations should be licensed is not the subject of this discussion. Instead, this article uses Aristotelian logic to dispute the spurious conclusion that any licensing scheme for public relations work and / or the individuals who perform it is unconstitutional on its face. Relying on First Amendment jurisprudence, the article demonstrates that some restraints on speech in the form of licensing are allowed, that not all public relations work involves protected speech or press, that there is a similarity to the constitutionally permitted licensing of certain speech‐related professions and that a hypothetical case can be constructed regarding those who could qualify as licensed public relations counsel. The article concludes that the First Amendment does not necessarily prevent licensing certain public relations practitioners. 相似文献
48.
49.
Thomas Søbirk Petersen 《Criminal Law and Philosophy》2010,4(2):215-232
The aim of this paper is to critically discuss the plausibility of legal moralism with an emphasis on some central and recent
versions. First, this paper puts forward and defends the thesis that recently developed varieties of legal moralism promoted
by Robert P. George, John Kekes and Michael Moore are more plausible than Lord Devlin’s traditional account. The main argument
for this thesis is that in its more modern versions legal moralism is immune to some of the forceful challenges made to Devlin
by Hart, Dworkin and Feinberg among others. Second, however, the paper challenges the new generation of legal moralists and
suggests some areas for further development. Although Devlin’s position has been scrutinized thoroughly in the literature
on the philosophy of law, there has, to my knowledge, been no comparable, systematic critique of these different proponents
of legal moralism. 相似文献
50.
Glenn Petersen 《Space and Polity》2013,17(2):179-205
Abstract The historical and political geographies of strategic areas are commonly formulated in terms of those who define them as strategic. When the Micronesian islands are considered, the routes upon which they lie are emphasised and analyses are formulated in terms of seaborne empires or with reference to the colonial histories of the powers that have contested possession of the islands. This essay frames the matter of Micronesia's location in Micronesian terms—that is, from the perspective of the Micronesians who have long sought to reclaim sovereignty over their homeland—in addition to considering strategic theories and imperial expansion of specific regimes. Micronesians cannot move the islands out of their strategic location, but they have worked to recast their political status, reducing threats to their security. The paper emphasises the interaction between strategic location and political status: for small and/or weak territories, sovereignty is a resource to be cultivated and exploited, its value largely determined by location. Sovereignty in and of itself may be of little consequence, but its pursuit can be of immeasurable significance. 相似文献