首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   13262篇
  免费   206篇
各国政治   461篇
工人农民   1293篇
世界政治   569篇
外交国际关系   447篇
法律   7741篇
中国共产党   1篇
中国政治   31篇
政治理论   2892篇
综合类   33篇
  2020年   73篇
  2019年   95篇
  2018年   1358篇
  2017年   1318篇
  2016年   1129篇
  2015年   168篇
  2014年   117篇
  2013年   597篇
  2012年   327篇
  2011年   1031篇
  2010年   1107篇
  2009年   681篇
  2008年   864篇
  2007年   810篇
  2006年   148篇
  2005年   196篇
  2004年   307篇
  2003年   271篇
  2002年   151篇
  2001年   190篇
  2000年   179篇
  1999年   133篇
  1998年   82篇
  1997年   68篇
  1996年   66篇
  1995年   86篇
  1994年   74篇
  1993年   54篇
  1992年   93篇
  1991年   90篇
  1990年   107篇
  1989年   87篇
  1988年   87篇
  1987年   86篇
  1986年   104篇
  1985年   112篇
  1984年   88篇
  1983年   86篇
  1982年   56篇
  1981年   49篇
  1980年   45篇
  1979年   53篇
  1978年   62篇
  1977年   42篇
  1975年   46篇
  1974年   62篇
  1973年   55篇
  1972年   42篇
  1970年   35篇
  1969年   41篇
排序方式: 共有10000条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
181.
Zimmerman  Joseph F. 《Publius》1998,28(1):71-89
State attorneys general are major participants in intergovernmentalrelations in the United States. This article presents six modelsthat may explain their interactions with each other and teststhree hypotheses associated with two models. Their interactionscomport with the cooperative and the innovation-diffusion models.Only limited evidence supports the hostility model and its associatedhypothesis. No evidence supports the mercantilist and competitivemodels. The response from only one attorney general suggestedhis actions are based on the benign neglect model. The conclusionis drawn that the cooperative activities of the attorneys generalhave produced a more harmonious federal system in terms of enforcementpolicies.  相似文献   
182.
183.
The purpose of this article is to reconsider the claim made recently by Mondak and Sanders that political tolerance ought to be thought to be a dichotomous rather than continuous variable. Using data from both Russia and the United States, I demonstrate that those Mondak and Sanders regard as uniquely tolerant are most likely no more than people who were given insufficient opportunity to express their intolerance. Even if such a phenomenon of “absolute tolerance” exists (all ideas expressed in all ways are to be tolerated), it is sufficiently rare that few practical implications are indicated for those doing empirical work on political tolerance and intolerance. * I appreciate the valuable comments of Jeffcry Mondak on an earlier version of this paper.  相似文献   
184.
185.
The gender gap has been an important feature of American elections since 1980. Yet, most explanations for the effects of gender on voting behavior focus on differences between men and women without taking account of how campaign strategies may serve to highlight or mask these differences. I examine how Senate candidates act strategically in deciding whether and how to target women voters. I find that candidates make these decisions based largely on two factors: (1) the importance of these issues to the state's voters and (2) whether gender gaps had been decisive in previous statewide contests. Analysis of exit-poll data indicates that when campaigns focused more on women's issues, women became more likely to vote Democratic while the vote choices of men were unaffected. Thus, campaign strategies do appear to influence the importance of gender differences in voting behavior.  相似文献   
186.
The US presidential and congressional elections, November 2004   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
  相似文献   
187.
This article addresses the subject of children's citizenship in liberal democracies. While children may lack full capability to act in the capacity of citizens, the political status to which they have been relegated leaves much to be desired. Paternalist policies dictate that children be represented politically by their parents, leaving them as or more vulnerable and excluded from private life as women were under coverture. Lacking independent representation or a voice in politics, children and their interests often fail to be understood because the adults who do represent them conflate, or substitute, their own views for those of children. Compounding this damage is the tendency for democratic societies to view children not as an ever-present segment of the populace, but rather as future adults. This encourages disregard for children's interests. Until democratic societies establish a better-defined and comprehensive citizenship for children, along with methods for representation that are sensitive to the special political circumstances faced by children, young people will remain ill-governed and neglected by democratic politics.  相似文献   
188.
189.
Why do some individuals prefer to be governed in an authoritarian political system? One intuitive answer is that citizens prefer authoritarian rule when the economy and society are in turmoil. These are common explanations for democratic backsliding, and the emergence and success of authoritarian leaders in the twentieth century. Which of these explanations better explains preferences for authoritarian rule? Both types of threat coincide in small samples and high-profile cases, creating inferential problems. I address this by using three waves of World Values Survey data to look at individual-level preferences for different forms of authoritarian government. Using multiple macroeconomic and societal indicators, I find that economic threats, especially increasing income inequality, better explain preferences for authoritarian government. I conclude with implications for understanding the emergence of support for authoritarianism in fledgling democracies.  相似文献   
190.
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号