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91.
Tushar Kanti Saha Rosemary Gray 《International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity》2017,12(1):120-139
This article argues that Lesotho’s landlocked position, which inhibits trade and results in enclaves of the poor, not only leads to its dependency on South Africa, but also contributes to its instability. It points out that destabilisation remains a problem in spite of Lesotho having served as an excellent model of peaceful transfer of power in a strengthened democratic arena under its 1993 Constitution, as the country had just celebrated 20 years of relative peace. However, despite the 1991 Windhoek Declaration military coups, violence, violation of both human rights and human security continue to contribute to instability in Lesotho, requiring the frequent intervention of the Southern African Development Community (SADC), and especially so following the attempted coup in 2014. Lesotho’s Coalition government, which is a prime-ministerial form of government, is discussed in some detail in this article. The role of peacekeeping forces is also examined. The article recommends demilitarisation as the only practical, viable and long term solution to the problem of recurring coups in this country. The authors conclude that a sustained campaign against corrupt activities by government, though laudable, has somewhat surprisingly served to weaken the foundation of the Coalition in Lesotho. 相似文献
92.
Rosemary Hunter 《Law and Critique》2006,17(1):27-46
This article critiques and expands upon the jurisprudence of law’s violence from feminist and lesbian/gay/queer perspectives.
The incorporation of gender and sexuality into the jurisprudence of law’s violence, via the social experiences of women and
gay men, highlights the masculine and heteronormative character of law’s violence, while bringing into view particular forms
of law’s violence, and forms of extra-legal but thoroughly legitimate heterosexual male violence, that have remained invisible
in previous accounts. A feminist analysis of violence also suggests that law’s regime of violence is neither totalising nor
inevitable, and that possibilities for resistance, if not avoidance, do exist. 相似文献
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George T H Ellison Jay S Kaufman Rosemary F Head Paul A Martin Jonathan D Kahn 《The Journal of law, medicine & ethics》2008,36(3):449-457
The U.S. Food and Drug Administration's (FDA) rationale for supporting the development and approval of BiDil (a combination of hydralazine hydrochloride and isosorbide dinitrate; H-I) for heart failure specifically in black patients was based on under-powered, post hoc subgroup analyses of two relatively old trials (V-HeFT I and II), which were further complicated by substantial covariate imbalances between racial groups. Indeed, the only statistically significant difference observed between black and white patients was found without any adjustment for potential confounders in samples that were unlikely to have been adequately randomized. Meanwhile, because the accepted baseline therapy for heart failure has substantially improved since these trials took place, their results cannot be combined with data from the more recent trial (A-HeFT) amongst black patients alone. There is therefore little scientific evidence to support the approval of BiDil only for use in black patients, and the FDA's rationale fails to consider the ethical consequences of recognizing racial categories as valid markers of innate biological difference, and permitting the development of group-specific therapies that are subject to commercial incentives rather than scientific evidence or therapeutic imperatives. This paper reviews the limitations in the scientific evidence used to support the approval of BiDil only for use in black patients; calls for further analysis of the V-HeFT I and II data which might clarify whether responses to H-I vary by race; and evaluates the consequences of commercial incentives to develop racialized medicines. We recommend that the FDA revise the procedures they use to examine applications for race-based therapies to ensure that these are based on robust scientific claims and do not undermine the aims of the 1992 Revitalization Act. 相似文献
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Relatively little is known about polar marine biodiversity, which faces increasing threats from extractive and non-extractive activities and from the effects of climate change. The international legal regime for the protection of polar marine biodiversity in areas beyond national jurisdiction is currently inadequate, particularly in the Arctic. An important and useful outcome of this International Polar Year would be an international agreement for conservation and sustainable long-term management of marine biodiversity in the central Arctic Ocean areas beyond national jurisdiction. This agreement should incorporate the best elements of the Antarctic Treaty System together with modern conservation and management principles, and it should recognize the legitimate interests of the international community as a whole in the conservation and management of polar marine biodiversity. 相似文献
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Beetham has recently made an impressive contribution to the understanding of Legitimacy which he holds to be central to both political and social theory. As a social science concept, capable of playing a significant part in the explanation of the workings and breakdowns of political systems, however, legitimacy so defined proves difficult, sometimes impossible, to apply and runs the serious danger of misleading explanation. The case against legitimacy is argued through a combination of theoretical and empirical considerations and in place of legitimacy a case is made for the experience of government behaviour and the capacity for collective action as the more fruitful foci of social theory. 相似文献
100.