International NGOs and the challenge of modernity

The forces associated with economic globalisation and the apparent supremacy of market forces have unleashed a range of political and social processes that have served, and were indeed designed, to enrich and empower the few at the expense of the majority. These include phenomena such as the rise in armed conflict, threats to food security, the loss of livelihoods and traditional ways of life of millions of people worldwide, the commodification of social provision, assaults on national sovereignty, and the privatisation of citizenship. However, the author argues, the most significant impact of globalisation is the 'localisation' of social and political struggle, and the emergence of new forms of international solidarity. Many NGOs have too readily succumbed to the view that globalisation in its present form is inevitable and irreversible, and have accommodated to it by trading their essential values for technical professionalism, often imported from the private sector. However, if NGOs are to assume their place as part of a transformational movement for social justice, they must rediscover and foster the values of citizen participation and develop a genuine respect for diversity.     

The Sex Right: A Legal History of the Marital Rape Exemption

How did the American legal elite come to reject the husband's privilege to rape his wife. What is the significance of that rejection. This essay traces theories justifying the marital rape exemption from the 17th century, focusing on the period focusing World War II. The history illustrates how the postwar legal elite's limited progressivism created inconsistent arguments that left the exemption open for attack, an attack that came from within the 1970s feminist movement. Radical feminist rhetoric about sexuality, rape, and marriage pulled away the last layer of theoretical support for the exemption and denounced the sex right it left exposed underneath. Connections in the 1970s, both literal and conceptual, between radical feminists and the legal elite allowed the feminist movement to discredit the exemption within that elite. To interpret the significance of that rejection, I consider how legal language affects people's senses of self. I argue that legal words like "rape,""marriage," and "husband" validate and inform people's, specifically husbands', identities in marriage. By changing the meanings of those legal words, legal reform can eventually change human behavior.     

Type and Severity of Abuse as Predictors of Psychiatric Symptoms in Adolescence

There has been little previous research about histories of child maltreatment and psychological symptoms in adolescent psychiatric patients. This study investigated whether type and characteristics of child physical and/or sexual abuse predicted individual differences in symptoms. Participants were 187 patients in day or residential treatment facilities. Abuse was assessed using structured interviews with the adolescent, the therapist, and the caseworker. Participants completed a standardized, self-report measure of internalizing and externalizing symptoms. Adolescents with histories of dual abuse (i.e., sexual and physical abuse) had elevated depression and anxiety compared with nonabused patients. Histories of any type of abuse were associated with elevated posttraumatic symptoms. Among physically abused patients, severity and duration of abuse predicted individual differences in depression and anxiety, whereas severity and concomitant sexual abuse predicted elevated posttraumatic symptoms. Among sexually abused patients, the characteristics of sexual abuse did not predict individual differences in symptoms. Thus, child abuse, particularly dual abuse and severe physical abuse, predicted elevated internalizing symptoms, even in comparison with other adolescent psychiatric patients. The need for replication is discussed.     

The Political Power of Words: The Birth of Pro-democratic Discourse in the Nineteenth Century in the United States and France

Comparing France and the United States, I propose a general model for assessing the birth of pro-democratic discourse. I first explain why founders of the modern 'democracies' were openly and vehemently anti-democratic. Next, I focus on two types of situation where the word 'democracy' is used on the political stage – when political actors want to distinguish themselves from their opponents and when political actors want to sanctify the political regime. The first case covers three specific modes of the use of the term 'democracy': (i) distinguishing oneself negatively by discrediting the opponent (the term 'democracy' is pejorative and associated with the 'enemy'); (ii) distinguishing oneself positively by asserting one's worthiness (the term 'democracy' is positive and associated with 'us'); (iii) fighting for an exclusive claim to the term in order to set oneself apart (several camps proclaim themselves 'democrat' and mutually accuse each other of usurping or even 'stealing' the title). I conclude that the use of the word 'democracy' generally results from a single motivation – to increase one's own political power or to diminish the power of one's opponents.