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141.
The stereotype of the strong, independent, and invulnerable African American woman may have implications in violent intimate
partner relationships. More specifically, one behavioral manifestation of this stereotype is that African American women may
be more likely to “fight back” in domestic violence situations. However, little is known about the consequences of these self-protective
behaviors for African American women. To this end, this study will address whether forceful and nonforceful acts of resistance
result in the desired effect of avoiding injury. Using a sample of incarcerated African American women, this study examines
the effects of self-protective behaviors on injury for a marginalized population at a high risk of violence.
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Ráchael WyckoffEmail: |
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Todd P. Newman 《Journal of Political Marketing》2020,19(1-2):137-152
This article seeks to explain how science has emerged as political brand. While science and politics have intersected for centuries, more recent social, cultural, and political events led to increased attention to the role of science in everyday life and how science is used in policy decision-making. This led to a tipping point in 2017 when the March for Science was formed, following what many in the U.S. and countries around the world viewed as anti-science stances by political leaders. The political spectacle of the March for Science not only brought increased attention to the scientific community, but also emerged to define the brand of science in society. Drawing on research from the role of brands in consumer culture – including political marketing, brand resonance, and brand community – I describe the implications of the science brand for the scientific enterprise, and the ways in which the scientific community consider the strategic communication of their brand within the political marketplace. 相似文献
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False Consciousness or Class Awareness? Local Income Inequality,Personal Economic Position,and Belief in American Meritocracy
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Benjamin J. Newman Christopher D. Johnston Patrick L. Lown 《American journal of political science》2015,59(2):326-340
Existing research analyzes the effects of cross‐national and temporal variation in income inequality on public opinion; however, research has failed to explore the impact of variation in inequality across citizens’ local residential context. This article analyzes the impact of local inequality on citizens’ belief in a core facet of the American ethos—meritocracy. We advance conditional effects hypotheses that collectively argue that the effect of residing in a high‐inequality context will be moderated by individual income. Utilizing national survey data, we demonstrate that residing in more unequal counties heightens rejection of meritocracy among low‐income residents and bolsters adherence among high‐income residents. In relatively equal counties, we find no significant differences between high‐ and low‐income citizens. We conclude by discussing the implications of class‐based polarization found in response to local inequality with respect to current debates over the consequences of income inequality for American democracy. 相似文献
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Sally Engle Merry 《Law & social inquiry》2006,31(4):975-995
The new legal realism builds on the strengths of the legal realism of the early twentieth century, viewing law as a set of social processes embedded in historical and political contexts. As it addresses sociolegal phenomena of the early twenty-first century, however, the new legal realism is more attentive to the effects of transnationalism, legal culture, and legal consciousness, and the way ideas and norms travel and are adopted around the world. Asking questions of this kind requires new, more multi-sited or deterritorialized methods of scholarship. This article explores these new perspectives and their methodologies through an examination of the use of human rights in the international movement against violence against women. 相似文献