首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   1111篇
  免费   38篇
各国政治   86篇
工人农民   89篇
世界政治   114篇
外交国际关系   83篇
法律   516篇
中国政治   7篇
政治理论   246篇
综合类   8篇
  2023年   13篇
  2022年   17篇
  2021年   24篇
  2020年   46篇
  2019年   36篇
  2018年   73篇
  2017年   45篇
  2016年   50篇
  2015年   37篇
  2014年   37篇
  2013年   174篇
  2012年   38篇
  2011年   31篇
  2010年   38篇
  2009年   29篇
  2008年   35篇
  2007年   40篇
  2006年   38篇
  2005年   30篇
  2004年   28篇
  2003年   34篇
  2002年   27篇
  2001年   28篇
  2000年   15篇
  1999年   20篇
  1998年   12篇
  1997年   16篇
  1996年   6篇
  1995年   4篇
  1994年   10篇
  1993年   11篇
  1992年   6篇
  1991年   6篇
  1990年   6篇
  1989年   4篇
  1988年   9篇
  1987年   8篇
  1986年   4篇
  1985年   8篇
  1984年   9篇
  1983年   3篇
  1982年   7篇
  1979年   7篇
  1978年   4篇
  1977年   3篇
  1976年   2篇
  1975年   4篇
  1973年   4篇
  1972年   3篇
  1967年   3篇
排序方式: 共有1149条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
101.
Do variations in land ownership affect people’s democratic participation? Quantitative, cross-country research on this topic suffers from the non-comparability of regulatory systems and cultures, and the use of crude indicators to identify participation. This study attempts to overcome these methodological problems, by employing indicators of procedural and substantive participation in a structured, diachronic comparison of qualitative data from five sites in China – an authoritarian state, which, however, requires residents of urban communities and villages to participate in ‘self-government’. It examines whether and why changing land from collective ownership to state ownership, and residents’ compensated acquisition of cash and secure, fungible assets, strengthens or weakens participation in self-government. In the research sites, collective land ownership is found to stimulate participation in self-government. Transformation of the land to state ownership and people’s acquisition of private property weakens participation. The robust results of the study support the direction of a causal argument that collective land ownership is conducive to democratic participation. These findings imply that scholars and policymakers should consider the potentially adverse political consequences of changing land ownership. A further implication is that, absent substantial political reform, an urbanized China might be less rather than more democratic at the community level.  相似文献   
102.
103.
The status of international agricultural research as a global public good (GPG) has been widely accepted since the Green Revolution of the 1960s and 1970s. While the term was not used at the time of its creation, the Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research (CGIAR) system that evolved at that time has been described as a ‘prime example of the promise, performance and perils of an international approach to providing GPGs’. Contemporary literature on international agricultural research as a GPG tends to support this view and focuses on how to operationalize the concept. This paper adopts a different starting point and questions this conceptualization of the CGIAR and its outputs. It questions the appropriateness of such a ‘neutral’ concept to a system born of the imperatives of Cold War geopolitics, and shaped by a history of attempts to secure its relevance in a changing world. This paper draws on a multi-sited, ethnographic study of a research effort highlighted by the CGIAR as an exemplar of GPG-oriented research. Behind the ubiquitous language of GPGs, ‘partnership’ and ‘consensus’, however, new forms of exclusion and restriction are emerging within everyday practice, reproducing North–South inequalities and undermining the ability of these programmes to respond to the needs of projected beneficiaries.  相似文献   
104.
105.
106.
107.
108.
109.
110.
There is broad agreement across the western industrialised world that men who father children outside of marriage share in an obligation to support their offspring financially. Against this consensus, some men's groups have claimed that if women are accorded control over the decision to continue or to terminate a pregnancy then it is unfair to hold genetic fathers financially liable for child support. This paper assesses the merits of this claim from a feminist perspective. Having considered a number of arguments, it suggests that the currently accepted grounding of child support liability (in voluntary creation of need) provides little scope for refuting the men's groups' argument. The paper then moves on to argue that voluntary creation of need is, however, inadequate as a basis for child support liability, and that the current analysis offers compelling grounds for preferring a collective model of support obligations.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号