全文获取类型
收费全文 | 286篇 |
免费 | 12篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 20篇 |
工人农民 | 51篇 |
世界政治 | 7篇 |
外交国际关系 | 11篇 |
法律 | 158篇 |
中国政治 | 4篇 |
政治理论 | 46篇 |
综合类 | 1篇 |
出版年
2022年 | 4篇 |
2021年 | 4篇 |
2020年 | 7篇 |
2019年 | 7篇 |
2018年 | 13篇 |
2017年 | 6篇 |
2016年 | 12篇 |
2015年 | 9篇 |
2014年 | 7篇 |
2013年 | 46篇 |
2012年 | 9篇 |
2011年 | 8篇 |
2010年 | 9篇 |
2009年 | 7篇 |
2008年 | 10篇 |
2007年 | 6篇 |
2006年 | 9篇 |
2005年 | 13篇 |
2004年 | 13篇 |
2003年 | 10篇 |
2002年 | 10篇 |
2001年 | 10篇 |
2000年 | 8篇 |
1999年 | 7篇 |
1998年 | 2篇 |
1997年 | 8篇 |
1996年 | 1篇 |
1994年 | 4篇 |
1993年 | 2篇 |
1992年 | 4篇 |
1991年 | 2篇 |
1990年 | 4篇 |
1989年 | 1篇 |
1988年 | 1篇 |
1987年 | 3篇 |
1986年 | 2篇 |
1985年 | 3篇 |
1984年 | 2篇 |
1983年 | 2篇 |
1982年 | 4篇 |
1981年 | 2篇 |
1979年 | 3篇 |
1977年 | 1篇 |
1976年 | 2篇 |
1975年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有298条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
21.
Sally Brooks 《The Journal of peasant studies》2013,40(1):67-80
The status of international agricultural research as a global public good (GPG) has been widely accepted since the Green Revolution of the 1960s and 1970s. While the term was not used at the time of its creation, the Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research (CGIAR) system that evolved at that time has been described as a ‘prime example of the promise, performance and perils of an international approach to providing GPGs’. Contemporary literature on international agricultural research as a GPG tends to support this view and focuses on how to operationalize the concept. This paper adopts a different starting point and questions this conceptualization of the CGIAR and its outputs. It questions the appropriateness of such a ‘neutral’ concept to a system born of the imperatives of Cold War geopolitics, and shaped by a history of attempts to secure its relevance in a changing world. This paper draws on a multi-sited, ethnographic study of a research effort highlighted by the CGIAR as an exemplar of GPG-oriented research. Behind the ubiquitous language of GPGs, ‘partnership’ and ‘consensus’, however, new forms of exclusion and restriction are emerging within everyday practice, reproducing North–South inequalities and undermining the ability of these programmes to respond to the needs of projected beneficiaries. 相似文献
22.
23.
Sally Varnham 《Education & the Law》2005,17(1-2):53-64
Upon leaving school, young people are expected to play an active part as citizens in a democratic society. Are schools providing them with the tools to do this? Citizenship is taught in schools, but to what extent is it practised? Many safety issues concerning student behaviour and student conflict confront school authorities. In what ways are students learning to take responsibility for the safety of their school environments? Generally, schools in New Zealand and in comparative jurisdictions continue to operate on a traditional authoritarian hierarchical basis. Within these structures students could rightly feel that schooling is something which is ‘done to them’ rather than their being engaged as active participants. School authorities have a moral and legal responsibility to maintain a learning environment which is physically and emotionally safe and free from hostility. Traditionally reactive measures such as searching, drug testing and exclusion are used by schools with the aim of fulfilment of that duty. Research indicates that these measures have met with limited success in terms of school safety, and that in any event they may expose school authorities to challenge from students on the basis that their rights have been violated. 相似文献
24.
25.
Sally J. Kenney 《Feminist Legal Studies》2002,10(3-4):257-270
Why has it taken so long for member states to appoint women to the Court of Justice? Despite having won relatively significant
policy instruments for equal treatment at work and high levels of legislative representation, women in the European Union
have been slow to extend the demand for gender mainstreaming to courts. Prior to 1999, the Court of Justice had had one woman
member until Ireland appointed Fidelma Macken in late 1999, and Germany appointed Ninon Colneric and Austria appointed Christine
Stix-Hackl Advocate General in 2000.The 1995 U.N. meeting in Beijing was a catalyst for the demand for balanced participation
of women and men in decision-making processes within the E.U., and it coincided with Sweden, Finland and Austria joining and
championing the cause of gender equality. In 1999, the Commission published a report on women in the judiciary and women lawyers
began to organize across Europe. After tracing the appointment process, I review the European Parliament's role in championing
women on the Court and consider recent developments. Courts, particularly supranational and federal courts, are representative
institutions even if their representative function differs from legislatures. Non-merit factors have always been a factor
in judicial appointments and thus the demand for women on the bench is not a terrible deviation from merit. An all male bench
is no longer legitimate.
This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
26.
27.
Sally Sheldon 《The Modern law review》2003,66(2):175-194
There is broad agreement across the western industrialised world that men who father children outside of marriage share in an obligation to support their offspring financially. Against this consensus, some men's groups have claimed that if women are accorded control over the decision to continue or to terminate a pregnancy then it is unfair to hold genetic fathers financially liable for child support. This paper assesses the merits of this claim from a feminist perspective. Having considered a number of arguments, it suggests that the currently accepted grounding of child support liability (in voluntary creation of need) provides little scope for refuting the men's groups' argument. The paper then moves on to argue that voluntary creation of need is, however, inadequate as a basis for child support liability, and that the current analysis offers compelling grounds for preferring a collective model of support obligations. 相似文献
28.
From within an organizational strain perspective, this paper examines the effects of managerial succession, CEO background, decentralized management, and product dominant strategies on the reported corporate antitrust offending levels of 43 basic manufacturing companies over a 22-year period. In the aggregate, findings suggest that past illegal involvement predicts future offending; companies headed by finance and administrative CEOs have higher offending levels than do firms headed by CEOs from other backgrounds; a turnover in top management generally decreases offending levels; the pursuit of product dominant strategies increases the number of anticompetitive acts; and offending levels are unrelated to whether new leaders are recruited from within or outside the firm, whether the CEO is also Chair of the Board of Directors, or whether management is centralized or decentralized. The effects of some variables on corporate offending interact with firm performance. 相似文献
29.
30.