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971.
Sarah A. Muhlberger M.P.S. Drew P. Pulsifer M.S. Akhlesh Lakhtakia Ph.D. D.Sc. Raúl J. Martín‐Palma Ph.D. Robert C. Shaler Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2014,59(1):94-102
A form of physical vapor deposition, called the conformal‐evaporated‐film‐by‐rotation (CEFR) method, was optimized for the conformal deposition of columnar thin films (CTFs) on sebaceous fingermarks. Relying on the surface topology of the fingermark, the CTF development technique is different from traditional development techniques. After the optimization of the development conditions, the CTF development technique was found to be superior to traditional development methods on several nonporous substrates: the smooth side of Scotch® Multitask, Gorilla®, and Scotch® Duct tapes; clear and black soft plastics; stained and sealed walnut and cherry woods; partial bloody fingermarks on stainless steel; and discharged cartridge casings. It was equally as good as other development techniques on other substrates, but worse on a few. The optimization study is expected to assist in designing a mobile CEFR apparatus capable of on‐scene development of fingermarks. 相似文献
972.
Jessica M. Nicklin Laurel A. McNall Christopher P. Cerasoli Sarah R. Strahan Jennifer A. Cavanaugh 《Social Justice Research》2014,27(2):243-270
Given the recent interest in a global model of organizational justice, the purpose of the present paper is to examine the role of overall justice within Colquitt’s (J Appl Psychol 86:386–400, 2001) four-dimensional framework. In two studies (using a student and professional sample), confirmatory factor analysis results supported a five-factor model of justice. Analyses demonstrated that overall justice is likely an independent construct, can be predicted from the facet measures of justice, and is not a second-order hierarchical construct. In both studies, structural equation modeling indicated that overall justice partially mediated the relationship between the four dimensions of justice and both global and specific outcomes examined by Colquitt (2001) and Ambrose and Schminke (J Appl Psychol 94:491–500, 2009), respectively. Taken together, this research demonstrates that there is a need for both overall justice and the four justice dimensions in comprehensive models of organizational justice. Implications for research and practice are discussed. 相似文献
973.
974.
Sarah A. Fulton 《Political Behavior》2014,36(3):605-630
Does candidate sex matter to general election outcomes? And if so, under what conditions does sex exert an effect? Research conducted over the past 40 years has asserted an absence of a sex effect, consistently finding that women fare as well as men when they run. Nevertheless, this scholarship neglects sex-based differences in candidate valence, or non-policy characteristics such as competence and integrity that voters intrinsically value in their elected officials. If women candidates hold greater valence than men, and if women’s electoral success stems from this valence advantage, then women candidates would be penalized if they lacked the upper hand on valence. Recent research at the macro-level reports a 3 % vote disadvantage for women candidates when valence is held constant (Fulton, Political Res Q 65(2):303–314, 2012), but is based on only one general election year. The present study replicates Fulton’s (Political Res Q 65(2):303–314, 2012) research using new data from a more recent general election and finds a consistent 3 % vote deficit for women candidates. In addition, this paper extends these findings theoretically and empirically to the micro-level: examining who responds to variations in candidate sex and valence. Male independent voters, who often swing general elections, are equally supportive of women candidates when they have a valence advantage. Absent a relative abundance of valence, male independents are significantly less likely to endorse female candidates. If correct, the gender affinity effect is asymmetrical: male independent voters are more likely to support men candidates, and less likely to support women, but female independents fail to similarly discriminate. 相似文献
975.
Marion Bogo Aron Shlonsky Barbara Lee Sarah Serbinski 《Journal of public child welfare》2014,8(1):70-93
Simulation-based training is often used to prepare health practitioners and is increasingly employed to train child welfare workers. This scoping review systematically searched the published and grey literature for studies that evaluated training for child welfare practitioners and used simulation methods that included standardized actors. Three studies met inclusion criteria, all documenting improvement in participants' use of specific skills. Other outcomes were mixed, possibly reflecting the heterogeneity of samples, study methods, measures, training of actors, theoretical frameworks, and content areas. Though results were mostly positive, the small number of studies indicates a substantial need for further research. 相似文献
976.
977.
Christian Kaunert Sarah Léonard Helena Carrapiço Stephen Rozée 《European Security》2014,23(3):344-363
This article examines how the governance of justice and internal security in Scotland could be affected by the outcome of the Scottish independence referendum in September 2014. The article argues that it is currently impossible to equate a specific result in the referendum with a given outcome for the governance of justice and internal security in Scotland. This is because of the complexities of the current arrangements in that policy area and the existence of several changes that presently affect them and are outside the control of the government and of the people of Scotland. This article also identifies an important paradox. In the policy domain of justice and internal security, a ‘no’ vote could, in a specific set of circumstances, actually lead to more changes than a victory of the ‘yes’ camp. 相似文献
978.
Timothy Caulfield Sarah Burningham Yann Joly Zubin Master Mahsa Shabani Pascal Borry Allan Becker Michael Burgess Kathryn Calder Christine Critchley Kelly Edwards Stephanie M. Fullerton Herbert Gottweis Robyn Hyde-Lay Judy Illes Rosario Isasi Kazuto Kato Jane Kaye Bartha Knoppers John Lynch Amy McGuire Eric Meslin Dianne Nicol Kieran O’Doherty Ubaka Ogbogu Margaret Otlowski Daryl Pullman Nola Ries Chris Scott Malcolm Sears Helen Wallace Ma'n H. Zawati 《Journal of Law and the Biosciences》2014,1(1):94-110
979.
AbstractThe more populism enters public debates, the more it needs close scrutiny. Central and Eastern Europe offers a useful context for exploring the diversity of parties identified as populist. Anti-establishment rhetoric provides a suitable conceptual starting point because of its pervasive role in the region’s political discourse. Using a new expert survey, this article details the relationship between anti-establishment salience and political positions, showing that anti-establishment parties occupy a full range across both economic and cultural dimensions and many occupy more centrist positions. Narrowing the focus to content analysis of anti-establishment parties’ thin ideology in the Czech Republic, Poland and Slovakia, it is concurrently found that for many actors (including those usually labelled as populist) anti-establishment rhetoric is indeed predominant, yet not always extensively combined with other elements of populism: people-centrism and invocation of general will. The findings are important for understanding multiple varieties of anti-establishment politics also beyond the region. 相似文献
980.
The study of policy framing enables the investigation of how elites conceptualize policy issues. While the dominant investigative work on elite framing has been within the mass media, we demonstrate the utility of an elite framing approach in a political institution, the U.S. Congress. We argue for moving to a ??life-cycle?? approach to policy framing that recognizes the evolution of elite framing attempts as implementation of a law deviates from its legislative intent, basing our approach out of the issue-attention cycle theory put forth by Downs (Public Interest 28:38?C50, 1972). Framing efforts by policy advocates do not end after legislation has been enacted or policy changed. Elites who have been unsuccessful in achieving their policy aims continue to advocate for their preferred outcomes by altering their framing strategies. We demonstrate this by applying evolutionary factor analysis to investigate 10 Congressional committee hearings held between 1957 and 2006 pertaining to federal funding for the Garrison Diversion Unit in North Dakota. From the perspective of proponents of diverting water from the Missouri River, how the Congressional debate over the Unit progressed constituted policy regression. This is reflected in the evolution of elite framing over the period studied. Our analysis uncovers the emergence of four evolutionary frames. Initial frames emphasized the benefits to be derived from water diversion, while subsequent frames reflected a more defensive posture emphasizing the limited harm that water diversion would cause. This research demonstrates the consequences of legislative implementation delay for elite framing attempts. 相似文献