Racial/ethnic differences in the prevalence and correlates of self-reported spousal violence in a community sample of Anglo, Black, and Mexican American adults are examined. Females, the formerly married, and Black females in particular (up to 60% of formerly married) were most likely to report both being beaten by and beating a spouse. Multivariate analyses controlling for demographic variables, financial stress, social desirability, sex role traditionalism and drinking quantity (and spouse's drinking among the currently married) did not eliminate the greater likelihood of reports of both beating and being beaten among married Black females. There was little consistent evidence to suggest greater violence propensity among Mexican American than Anglo respondents. The findings raise questions about simplistic socioeconomic status or financial stress explanations of observed racial/ethnic differences in spousal violence. Further, curvilinear effects of alcohol quantity and spouse drinking upon reported violence question simple disinhibition arguments and suggest the need for data regarding couple dynamics. 相似文献
This article asks whether democratization, under certain historical conditions, may relate to the deteriorating rule of law. Focusing on Mexico City, where police corruption is significant, this study argues that the institutionalized legacies of police power inherited from Mexico's one-party system have severely constrained its newly democratic state's efforts to reform the police. Mexico's democratic transition has created an environment of partisan competition that, combined with decentralization of the state and fragmentation of its coercive and administrative apparatus, exacerbates intrastate and bureaucratic conflicts. These factors prevent the government from reforming the police sufficiently to guarantee public security and earn citizen trust, even as the same factors reduce capacity, legitimacy, and citizen confidence in both the police and the democratically elected state. This article suggests that when democracy serves to undermine rather than strengthen the rule of law, more democracy can actually diminish democracy and its quality. 相似文献
F. J. M. Feldbrugge, Samizdat and Political Dissent in the USSR. Leyden: Sijthoff, 1975. 255 pp. Dfl. 48,00. $20.00.
Daniel Stone (ed.), The Polish Memoirs of William John Rose. Toronto and Buffalo: University of Toronto Press, 1975. xxv+248 pp. $15.00.
George Maude, The Finnish Dilemma: Neutrality in the Shadow of Power. London: OUP, 1976. vi+153 pp. £6.00.
Christopher Stevens, The Soviet Union and Black Africa. London: Macmillan Press, 1976. xii+236 pp. £10.00.
Jochen Bethkenhagen, Bedeutung und Möglichkeiten des Ost‐West‐Handels mit Energierohstoffen. (Deutsches Institut für Wirtschaftsforschung, Sonder‐heft 104.) Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 1975. 307 pp.
Jeremy Russell, Energy as a Factor in Soviet Foreign Policy. (Published for the Royal Institute of International Affairs.) London: D. C. Heath, 1976. xix+241 pp. £7.50.
Michael Kaser, Health Care in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. London: Croom Helm, 1976. 278 pp. £12.95.
James H. Bater, St. Petersburg: Industrialisation and Change. Studies in Urban History 4. General Editor H. J. Dyos. London: Edward Arnold, 1976. xxiii+411 pp. £14.95.
Leslie Symons and Colin White (eds.), Russian Transport: An historical and geographical survey. London: G. Bell, 1975. xxiii+192 pp. £7.25 or £3.50 (paperback).
Robert Auty and Dimitri Obolensky (eds.), An introduction to Russian History. Cambridge: CUP, 1976. 403 pp. £12.50.
Edward Allworth, Soviet Asia: Bibliographies; A Compilation of Social Science and Humanities Sources on the Iranian, Mongolian and Turkic Nationalities. With an Essay on the Soviet‐Asian Controversy. New York: Praeger, 1975. lxiii+686 pp. $35.00. £21.35. 相似文献
Highly skilled people are among the most valuable factors of production in the contemporary world economy. Some have characterized the competition among nations for these people as a “brain drain” or “war for talent,” which imposes significant costs on the countries of emigration. However, the distribution of costs and benefits that results from high‐skill migration is not necessarily zero‐sum or fixed. It may be altered through international cooperation, producing a self‐reinforcing “win–win” scenario for sending and receiving countries. Bilateral cooperation, focused on specific sectors affected by migration, is the most promising approach for realizing such a scenario. This paper explores the prospects and potential for such cooperation between India and the United States, which comprise what is probably the world's largest high‐skill mobility relationship. After sketching the broad contours of the relationship, we explore the prospects for mutually beneficial cooperation in three specific fields of high‐skill migration: information technology services, medicine and nursing, and graduate education. 相似文献
This study examines the attributes of organizational rules that influence rule following. Rule following fosters organizational effectiveness by aligning individual behaviours with organizational preference. While a range of theoretical explanations have been offered for rule following, the characteristics of rule design and implementation have received less empirical attention. Borrowing from the green tape theory of effective rules, this study examines the influence of two particular characteristics—rule formalization and rule consistency—on rule following. Three studies, which include two vignette experiments and a survey of two local government organizations, provide the data for the research. The results suggest that rule formalization and rule consistency independently increase rule following, with mixed evidence of interaction effects. The broad implication is that public managers must attend to both rule design and implementation to foster organizational rule following. 相似文献
ABSTRACTThis article develops a theory – rooted in the experience of the African National Congress in South Africa – to explain how, and why, a dominant political party is less likely to conduct orderly elections to select its political leadership. First, I demonstrate that canny party leaders – operating in the space between a divided society and a weak state – make an ideological turn to a “congress-like” political party, which is clever (in the short term) because it provides party leaders with an in-built electoral majority. It is, however, also a dangerous manoeuvre because it essentially endogenizes social competition for state resources inside the dominant party. This displacement of social competition away from the public sphere towards the partisan organization increases the likelihood of disorderly competition for party candidacies. Second, I demonstrate how this competition need not necessarily become the basis of violent competition inside the dominant party. The party leadership can use intra-party elections to stabilize competition, but only if the party invests in an organization that applies impartially the rules that govern the election. 相似文献
Existing research has uncovered a link between religious practice and political ethnocentrism. Religious individuals are relatively inclined to both support policies that benefit their own ethnic group and support political competitors seeking to represent them. These findings are broadly consistent with a large body of literature that examines the relationship between religion and ethnic prejudice. To date, empirical research has concentrated overwhelmingly on Western, Christian contexts. There is, however, reason to believe that Islamic practice may produce more universalistic beliefs and attitudes. This paper examines the relationship between religious participation and political ethnocentrism in Indonesia, this world’s largest Muslim-majority country. Using survey data collected during the lead-up to the 2009 national elections, this paper examines the relationship between religious practice and expressed preference for co-ethnic political leadership. It finds that a respondent’s self-reported level of religious activity strongly correlates with stated preference for co-ethnic leadership. These findings bolster confidence that the relationship between religious participation and ethnocentrism holds beyond Western Christian contexts. For Indonesia, deepening Islamic practice could thus predict a rise in ethnocentrism, threatening the country’s reputation for tolerance. 相似文献