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Shane P. Singh 《American journal of political science》2019,63(1):37-52
I advance a theory about how compulsory voting affects the behavior of political parties. The theory suggests that parties will pivot toward programmatic vote‐seeking strategies and away from clientelistic tactics, such as vote buying, where voting is compulsory. I test my expectations in three separate studies, using several data sources and empirical approaches. In Study 1, cross‐national analyses show that parties behave more programmatically under compulsory voting and that vote buying is less common where voting is mandatory. In Study 2, synthetic control and difference‐in‐differences analyses show that a switch to compulsory voting in Thailand produced an increase in programmatic vote seeking. In Study 3, a list experiment conducted in tandem with a natural experiment shows that compulsory voting leads parties to rely less on vote‐buying tactics in Argentina. I conclude by discussing the implications of these findings, which together are broadly supportive of my theoretical expectations. 相似文献
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Davis B. Bobrow 《国际研究展望》2001,2(1):1-12
This essay was stimulated (provoked) by discussions in three separate venues: (1) a U.S. Naval War College conference on "Alternative Futures in War and Conflict: Implications for U.S. National Security," held in late 1999; (2) several recent widely circulated "blue-ribbon" reports on the subject; and (3) recent papers emerging from the U.S. defense bureaucracy speculating on strategic visions of the next ten to twenty years. My contention is that the prevailing official and quasi-official debate exhibits excessive and overly definitive emphases on: (1) particular facets of insecurity; (2) attributions to the U.S. of benign intent and capacity; and (3) assumptions that most others share that interpretation of our words and deeds. There also tends to be unwarranted neglect of representation and standing issues which discriminate for and against different policy perspectives and forms of program expertise. A plea is offered for an alternative approach based on what we know about how persons, organizations, and communities can best position themselves for (in)security futures. 相似文献
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Jacques Adler 《澳大利亚政治与历史杂志》2000,46(3):357-377
This article examines why, following the military defeat of June 1940, the French Catholic Church remained silent as race laws were introduced, whereas before the war it had publicly rejected racism and opposed antisemitism. A number of reasons accounted for it. A strong conviction prevailed in its ranks that the regime which had then emerged offered a unique opportunity to resume preeminence in French society and regain rights formerly denied under the Republic. It took two years for members of the clergy to recognise that by its prolonged silence the Church had in fact jettisoned its traditional views on 'justice and charity' for all men. It was only after the deportation to the death camps of over fifty thousand Jews that it finally raised its voice up on their behalf. 相似文献
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Charles R. Davis 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2013,36(2):177-207
This paper critically explores Chris Argyris’ concern for human development as found in his organizational writings. Specifically, his focus on a personl development approach to human growth in organization is critically assessed as to its prospects to facilitate behavior needed for “public” organization. Argyris’ theoretical emphasis upon “self-development” as explicated is unlikely to provide for social consciousness and political action by everyday participants of organization. His mode of “self-development” is a perspective which is fundamentally grounded in the psychological and moral subjectively of the individual. As such, Argyris’ developmental mode is one which primarily promotes consciousness and action of self-interest rather than social involvement. A more authentically public type of organization requires a developmental mode which engenders democratic action toward the shared problems and common needs experienced in everyday organizational reality. 相似文献
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William U. Weiss Sarah N. Zehner Robert D. Davis Cary Rostow Emily DeCoster-Martin 《Journal of Police and Criminal Psychology》2005,20(1):16-21
A relative newcomer to personality assessment in the area of law enforcement is the Personality Assessment Inventory, or PAI.
Earlier MMPI research in the area of police selection has focused upon antisocial behavior, control of aggression, and validity
indices, particularly the L scale. In this study T scores for 800 male and female police officer candidates on the PAI scales
Negative Impression (NIM), Positive Impression (PIM), Antisocial-Antisocial Behaviors (ANTA), Antisocial-Egocentricity (ANTE),
and Antisocial-Stimulus Seeking (ANTS) were used as predictors of the criterion variables Insubordination, Excessive Citizen
Complaints, and Neglect of Duty. Highly significant coefficients were obtained for ANTE as a predictor of Insubordination
and Excessive Citizen Complaints. For Neglect of Duty, two significant coefficients were obtained, one for ANTS and another
for NIM. Discussion centered on the fact that egocentricity is a predictor of Insubordination and Excessive Citizen Complaints,
and Neglect of Duty is related to stimulus seeking.
Authors' Note: William U. Weiss, Ph.D., is a professor in the Department of Psychology, The University of Evansville, 1800 Lincoln Avenue,
Evansville, IN 47722. Sarah Zehner is an undergraduate psychology major at The University of Evansville. Robert Davis, Ph.D.,
is executive vice-president and director of science, research, and development for Matrix, Inc., and Cary Rostow, Ph.D., is
president of Matrix, Inc., Baton Rouge, LA. Emily DeCoster-Martin was an undergraduate psychology major at The University
of Evansville at the time this paper was written. 相似文献