全文获取类型
收费全文 | 131篇 |
免费 | 8篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 12篇 |
工人农民 | 19篇 |
世界政治 | 11篇 |
外交国际关系 | 14篇 |
法律 | 67篇 |
政治理论 | 14篇 |
综合类 | 2篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 2篇 |
2022年 | 4篇 |
2021年 | 2篇 |
2020年 | 1篇 |
2019年 | 8篇 |
2018年 | 7篇 |
2017年 | 12篇 |
2016年 | 16篇 |
2015年 | 6篇 |
2014年 | 7篇 |
2013年 | 15篇 |
2012年 | 6篇 |
2011年 | 8篇 |
2010年 | 4篇 |
2009年 | 3篇 |
2008年 | 4篇 |
2007年 | 7篇 |
2006年 | 4篇 |
2005年 | 11篇 |
2004年 | 2篇 |
2003年 | 3篇 |
2002年 | 2篇 |
2001年 | 1篇 |
1994年 | 1篇 |
1992年 | 1篇 |
1990年 | 1篇 |
1989年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有139条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
71.
72.
Do political tensions harm economic relations? Theories claim that trade prevents war and political relations motivate trade, but less is known about whether smaller shifts in political relations impact economic exchange. Looking at two major economies, we show that negative events have not hurt U.S. or Japanese trade or investment flows. We then examine specific incidents of tensions in U.S.‐French and Sino‐Japanese relations over the past decade—two case pairs that allow us to compare varying levels of political tension given high existing economic interdependence and different alliance relations. Aggregate economic flows and high salience sectors like wine and autos are unaffected by the deterioration of political relations. In an era of globalization, actors lack incentives to link political and economic relations. We argue that sunk costs in existing trade and investment make governments, firms, and consumers unlikely to change their behavior in response to political disputes. 相似文献
73.
Joseph L. Flanders Melissa Simard Daniel Paquette Sophie Parent Frank Vitaro Robert O. Pihl Jean R. Séguin 《Journal of family violence》2010,25(4):357-367
This is a follow-up to a study demonstrating that rough-and-tumble play was related to physical aggression in the preschool
years. Fathers reported on the frequency of father-child rough-and-tumble play interactions, and the degree to which fathers
were dominant in the play dyad was observed and coded from play interactions. In this follow-up study, school-aged children’s
physically aggressive behaviors and emotion regulation abilities were assessed with questionnaires 5 years later. Higher frequencies
of father-child rough-and-tumble play in the preschool years were associated with more physical aggression and worse emotion
regulation 5 years later for children whose fathers were less dominant, over and above the effects of physical aggression
in the preschool years. Rough-and-tumble play was unrelated to these measures among children whose fathers were more dominant
during play. This study shows that early rough-and-tumble play continues to be related to children’s psychosocial adjustment
over time, and that the effect remains moderated by the quality of the father-child relationship during play. 相似文献
74.
Since the inception of the Internet, Internet Service Providers (ISPs) have been used to segment cyberspace and make it possible for national states to apply their local laws to conduct having effects within their borders. This is true in particular in the realm of intellectual property. When one looks at the national regulatory regimes supposedly framing the behavior of ISPs, there appear to be more similarities than differences at a first glance. Does this mean that the national or regional legal frameworks regulating the behavior of ISPs, which are increasingly considered to be the sword of public authorities, should be identical in all legal systems? Is it not true that the content of these national or regional legal frameworks regulating the behavior of ISPs should partly depend upon the local trade-offs among conflicting fundamental rights and liberties? Indeed, private power can jeopardize the exercise and the very core of individuals’ prerogatives as much as public power and priorities vary from one legal system to another. This paper therefore seeks to highlight the dependence of national regulatory modes framing the conduct of ISPs upon the strength of certain fundamental rights and liberties. More precisely, while the first part aims to explore the influence of certain fundamental rights and liberties upon the regulatory modes set up by national legislators, and in particular free speech, from the perspective of the user-to-user relationship, the second part of this article is devoted to the protection of these fundamental rights and liberties from the perspective of the intermediary-to-user relationship. It shows that at least within two legal systems the dependence described initially is in reality altered by the prevalence of the intermediary’s interests, even if the latter are in part affected by a recent trend towards more state interventionism. As a result, national solutions appear to be less innovative than foreseen. 相似文献
75.
German family courts have a long‐standing tradition of hearing the child's voice when proceedings affect the child. This article aims to provide an overview of the German procedural rules. The current role and practice of child hearings in family courts and the direct effects on the child are discussed in detail. The perceived benefits, challenges, and pitfalls are deliberated from the viewpoint of the psychological expert. Hearing the voice of the child in person is increasingly viewed as beneficial to the proceedings if the judges and other professionals involved possess the necessary qualifications and competence. 相似文献
76.
Sophie Stalla-Bourdillon Henry Pearce Niko Tsakalakis 《Computer Law & Security Report》2018,34(4):784-805
This article offers an interdisciplinary analysis of the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) in the context of electronic identification schemes. Gov.UK Verify, the UK Government's electronic identification scheme, and its compatibility with some important aspects of EU data protection law are reviewed. An in-depth examination of Gov.UK Verify's architecture and the most significant constituent elements of both the Data Protection Directive and the imminent GDPR – notably the legitimising grounds for the processing of personal data and the doctrine of joint controllership – highlight several flaws inherent in the Gov.UK Verify's development and mode of operation. This article advances the argument that Gov.UK Verify is incompatible with some major substantive provisions of the EU Data Protection Framework. It also provides some general insight as to how to interpret the requirement of a legitimate legal basis and the doctrine of joint controllership. It ultimately suggests that the choice of the appropriate legal basis should depend upon a holistic approach to the relationship between the actors involved in the processing activities. 相似文献
77.
78.
Sophie Whiting 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2016,28(3):541-560
Despite the seismic shift of Sinn Féin from being the “mouthpiece” of the Provisional Irish Republican Army to the largest nationalist force in Northern Ireland, the party continues to project its objectives within the revolutionary politics and tradition of 1916. Whilst various groups across the island of Ireland stress their loyalty to Irish independence and allegiance to their republican forefathers, 2016 also plays host to devolved assembly elections in Northern Ireland. The centenary of the Easter Rising is therefore a poignant moment to reassess republican politics, more specifically, the relationship between the armed revolutionary tradition and constitutionalism. Within the post-peace process era Sinn Féin have been accused of maintaining an autocratic culture and an intra-party framework that is more representative of a clandestine revolutionary organisation than a political party. Yet, simultaneously, Sinn Féin have not been immune to the pressures experienced by other modern political parties, bound by the laws of electoral competition and driven by office-seeking priorities. In order to explore Sinn Féin within the modern political arena, this article firstly examines the broader debate surrounding how armed groups make the transition into constitutional politics. Secondly, public opinion survey data is used to judge the basis of Sinn Féin's electoral appeal. Finally, internal party documents are used to examine party structure, intra-party democracy, and professionalisation in order to judge the extent to which Sinn Féin have completed the transition from being a “mouthpiece” to their armed counterpart, towards being a “normal” political party. 相似文献
79.
Sophie Riley 《Review of European Community & International Environmental Law》2009,18(2):198-210
The problem of invasive alien species (IAS) is the second biggest threat to biodiversity after loss of habitat. Although customary international law obliges States to prevent transboundary environmental harm such as IAS, international law does not clearly articulate these obligations in this context. A potentially helpful mechanism lies in the use of transboundary environmental impact assessment and risk analysis. However, the operation of these processes, within international environmental law, international quarantine law and international trade law has generated obligations that largely remain soft, ill-defined and inconsistent. This situation is counter-productive to preventing or minimizing transboundary harm caused by IAS. 相似文献
80.
Sophie Maddocks 《澳大利亚女权主义者研究》2018,33(97):345-361
ABSTRACTEvery day, people’s most intimate moments are recorded, uploaded and circulated online without their consent. This gross invasion of privacy – commonly known as ‘revenge pornography’ – has become part of the scenery in cyberspace. But the name ‘revenge pornography’ fails to communicate the scope and severity of this harm. It is a victim blaming term that risks misdirecting government policy and misinforming the public. So, in order to mobilise against ‘revenge porn’, activists have begun renaming it. ‘Non-consensual pornography’, ‘image-based sexual abuse’, and ‘digital rape’ are just a few of their new coinages. This research seeks to understand how ‘revenge pornography’ is being renamed and reframed in different contexts. To do so, it draws on interviews with thirty activists, experts, and scholars from twelve countries and seven professions. The article begins by comparing their alternative terminologies, bringing to light points of similarity and difference. It then looks forward, identifying new developments in activists’ thought and action. Despite their different vocabularies, this research finds among respondents a shared understanding upon which they could build an enduring coalition. 相似文献