Explaining Korean women's fear of crime

This study is intended to explain the fear of crime among Korean women. Due to the complexity of concept and measurement of fear, this study was designed to measure specific or concrete fear and general or formless fear. Data were obtained from a self‐administered survey to 528 Korean women living in the city of Seoul, Korea. The results revealed that the fear of crime seems to be experienced differently. That is, specific fear appears to be most influenced by their knowledge of the occurrence of crime, followed by community environment and their perceptions about the incidence of crime, while the general fear of crime seems to be explained only by their perceptions about the incidence of crime at the significance level of p<.05.     

State building in North Korea: from a ‘self reliant’ to a ‘military-first’ state

Dr Soyoung Kwon has just obtained her doctorate at Darwin College, University of Cambridge. She is now Research Associate Fellow at the East Asia Institute, Cambridge.     

Alterations of Length Heteroplasmy in Mitochondrial DNA Under Various Amplification Conditions*

Abstract: There are several areas within mitochondrial DNA that show length heteroplasmy. If the heteroplasmy pattern is unique and consistent for each person, it may be used to support an interpretation of exclusion in identity testing. We investigated whether the length heteroplasmy pattern would be consistent under different amplification conditions. We also determined whether various amplification parameters would affect the homopolymeric cytosine stretches (C‐stretch) in HV1. Monoclonal samples tended to be heteroplasmic after amplification. After several repetitions, C‐stretch patterns of all samples were inconsistent even under the same amplification conditions. Increased PCR cycles and high template concentrations resulted in a more frequent heteroplasmic tendency. These amplification parameters seem to have little effect if samples are not long enough in C‐stretch or total length of the segment from nt 16180 to nt 16193. It is suggested that the pattern of length heteroplasmy cannot be used as an additional polymorphic marker.     

Reverse brain drain in South Korea: State-led model

Korea’s reverse brain drain (RBD) has been an organized government effort, rather than a spontaneous social phenomenon, in that various policies and the political support of President Park, Chung-Hee were instrumental in laying the ground work for its success. Particular features of Korea’s RBD policies are the creation of a conducive domestic environment (i.e., government-sponsored strategic R & D institution-building, legal and administrative reforms), and importantly, the empowerment of returnees (via, i.e., exceptionally good material benefits, guarantees of research autonomy). President Park played the cardinal role in empowering repatriates at the expense of his own civil bureaucracy, and his capacity for such patronage derived from Korea’s bureaucratic-authoritarian political system. Returning scientists and engineers directly benefited from this political system as well as Park’s personal guardianship. For Park, empowerment of returning “brains” was necessary to accomplish his national industrialization plan, thereby enhancing his political legitimacy in domestic politics. An alliance with the R & D cadre was functionally necessary to successfully consolidate strong presidential power, and politically non-threatening due to the particular form of “pact of domination” in Korea’s power structure. RBD in Korea will continue in the near future given Korea’s drive for high technology, and the remarkable expansion of local industrial and educational sectors. Korea’s future RBD, however, needs to pay closer attention to the following four problems: research autonomy; equality issues; skill-based repatriation of technicians and engineers rather than Ph.D.’s; and subsidies to small and medium industry for RBD. Bang-Soon L. Yoon is assistant professor of political science, Central Washington University. She is currently working onWorld Bibliographical Series: South Korea, to be published by Clio Press, Ltd., Oxford, England, co-edited with Michael A. Launius. An earlier version of this paper was read at the 49th Annual Meeting of the Midwest Political Science Association, Chicago, Illinois, April 18–20, 1991.     

A Correction in Elementary Public Choice Geometry

This paper corrects a long-standing errorin elementary geometrical constructionsthat involve collective choices inmultidimensional settings. The seeminglyinnocuous assumption of separability amongarguments in individual utility functionsdoes not imply symmetric indifferencecontours in shared goods space. Sharedgoods necessarily become gross substituteswhen resource or budgetary constraints areintroduced. The corrected constructionsuggests that issue-by-issue voting is lessefficacious than is indicated in theconventional analysis.     

Korean population genetic data for eleven STR loci.

Allele frequency and forensic parameters for eleven STR loci were surveyed in a random sample from the Korean population.     

Development of Latent Fingermarks on Surfaces of Food‐A More Realistic Approach

Latent fingermark developing methods from food (mandarin, egg, banana, apple, potato, carrot, eggplant, onion, bell pepper, and tomato) surface has been studied by 10 methods, including powdering method, small particle reagent method, and cyanoacrylate fuming method. The foods were stored under two conditions (room temperature and refrigerator) before fingermark deposition and aged for 2, 24, 48, and 72 h before fingermark development. In most of the food surfaces used in this study, cyanoacrylate fuming with 80% relative humidity was superior to the powder or small particle reagent methods. The quality of the fingermarks varied depending on the storage conditions before the fingermark deposition (in the refrigerator or at ambient temperature) and the time elapsed since the fingermark deposition. However, the storage conditions before the fingermark deposition and the time elapsed since the fingermark deposition did not show any correlation with the quality of the fingermark.     

Who Receives Media Attention in South Korea: Analysing Internal and External Pluralism in the News Coverage of Policy Debates

The mass media in democracies plays an important role in portraying key policy debates and viewpoints, ultimately shaping how citizens and political actors understand policy problems. How diverse are the policy perspectives represented in the news? Research in comparative political communication typically points to two ways through which pluralism is maintained in the news coverage of policy debates—internally and externally. Using 1,341 Dong-A and 1,205 Hankyoreh Daily front-page newspaper stories published in Korea in the year 2008, this article examines the circumstances under which internal and external pluralism in the news is limited in a democratic media system. Specifically, the article argues that a unique newsgathering process relying heavily on government sources for policy-relevant information, as well as relatively weak and unstable ties between news outlets and political/social organizations significantly restrict the diversity of voices appearing in the news in Korea. Such attention patterns offer a partial explanation for rapidly declining trust in print newspapers among the Korean public, and raise concerns about whose views are actually reflected in public policy debates in the news.     

Nonviolent revolutions: civil resistance in the late 20th century

Why do young Africans participate less in elections than their older counterparts? Given Africa's growing youth bulge, this constituency represents a numerically important voting bloc, and their lower participation in elections could undermine the legitimacy of the region's democratic trajectory. We address this question through a multi-level model that relies on individual-level data from the Afrobarometer surveys and country-level data for 19 of the region's more democratic countries. We classify Africa's youth as belonging to two categories, those aged 18–24 and those aged 25–35. We find that key determinants of the youth's voting behaviour include their access to political knowledge and information as well as their perceptions of the electoral context and party system. In the latter regard, the efficacy and fairness of elections and the degree of partisanship increase the youth's decision to vote, while the length of party incumbency is a deterrent to turnout. These findings hold important implications by highlighting that Africa's youth not only need to be exposed to greater fora for learning about the political process and party options but also that political parties in the region need to become more relevant to this constituency.