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861.
Aerika S. Brittian Megan O’Donnell George P. Knight Gustavo Carlo Adriana J. Umaña-Taylor Mark W. Roosa 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2013,42(3):328-341
Experiences with perceived discrimination (e.g., perceptions of being treated unfairly due to race or ethnicity) are expected to impact negatively youths’ prosocial development. However, resilience often occurs in light of such experiences through cultural factors. The current longitudinal study examined the influence of perceived discrimination on the emergence of Mexican American adolescents’ later prosocial tendencies, and examined the mediating role of Mexican American values (e.g., familism, respect, and religiosity). Participants included 749 adolescents (49 % female) interviewed at 5th, 7th, and 10th grade. Results of the current study suggested that, although perceived discrimination was associated negatively with some types of prosocial tendencies (e.g., compliant, emotional, and dire) and related positively to public prosocial helping, the associations were mediated by youths’ Mexican American values. Directions for future research are presented and practical implications for promoting adolescents’ resilience are discussed. 相似文献
862.
Vangie A. Foshee Thad S. Benefield Heath Luz McNaughton Reyes Susan T. Ennett Robert Faris Ling-Yin Chang Andrea Hussong Chirayath M. Suchindran 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2013,42(4):471-486
The peer context is a central focus in research on adolescent risk behaviors but few studies have investigated the role of the peer context in the perpetration of adolescent dating violence. This longitudinal study examined between-subjects and within-person contemporaneous and lagged effects of peer attributes, measured with social network analyses, on trajectories of dating violence perpetration and determined if effects varied by grade and/or sex of the adolescent. Data are from adolescents who participated in a five-wave panel study beginning when they were in 7 through 9th grade and ending when they were in 10 through 12th grade (n = 3,412); half were male, 40.5 % were white, 49.9 % were black and 10.4 % were of another race/ethnicity. Significant between-subjects effects indicate that adolescents who typically have friends who use dating violence, and girls who are typically high in social status, are at increased risk for using dating violence throughout adolescence. Adolescents who typically have high quality friendships and girls who typically have friends with pro-social beliefs are at decreased risk for using dating violence throughout adolescence. Significant within-person contemporaneous effects indicate that both boys and girls reported lower levels of dating violence than usual at times when they had more friends with pro-social beliefs, and reported higher levels of dating violence than usual at times when they had higher social status. None of the lagged effects were significant and none of the effects varied across grade. These findings suggest that the peer context plays an important role in the development of the perpetration of adolescent dating violence. 相似文献
863.
Dorte Marie Søndergaard 《Nora, Nordic Journal of Women's Studies》2013,21(1):42-50
This article presents an analytic approach to the study of gender meaning in an academic context. In the presentation empirical material from an interview study among 29 Danish male and female university students is applied. The analytic approach is based on the conception of gender meaning as a culturally constructed phenomenon in continuous process. Current gender meaning is seen as a construction based on the idea of coherence between the gendered sign on the body and a variety of components including sexual and professionally related aspects. The connections between body sign and the components as well as among the components themselves are a continuous goal of negotiation processes among the male and female students. 相似文献
864.
This paper examines whether foreign direct investment (FDI) influences confidence in commercial contracts in developing countries. While the research on how host countries’ policy environments encourage FDI inflows has flourished, scholars have paid less attention to how the policy environment and local actors’ beliefs might, in turn, be affected by FDI. This is surprising because multinational enterprises are well‐recognized political and economic actors across the world. We expect that their increasing economic salience will influence the policy environments in which they function. By employing an innovative measure of property rights protection – contract‐intensive money – we examine how foreign direct investment influences host countries’ contract‐intensive money ratio in a large panel time series of both developed and developing countries from 1980 to 2002. Our analysis suggests that higher levels of FDI inflows are associated with greater confidence in commercial contracts and, by extension, the protection of property rights in developing countries. 相似文献
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868.
Technology‐based economic development programs have become a salient feature of the state policy landscape since the 1980s. While much research exists on the topic, little attention has been given to the processes of policy formation. State programs have moved towards high technology areas emphasized at the federal level over the past decades, and nanotechnology became one of the latest targets. This paper examines the eight‐year process through which Pennsylvania adopted a “state‐wide strategy,” culminating in the Pennsylvania Initiative for Nanotechnology. In this process, programs that responded to the interests of multiple agents came first, and a state policy was formulated after the fact. This pattern of “rationalized policy formation,” as opposed to rational policy formation, may be more common than suspected. Its strengths and weaknesses in this Pennsylvania case are discussed. 相似文献
869.
Brian Grodsky 《Human Rights Review》2008,9(3):281-297
While the study of transitional justice, and especially truth commissions, has gained in popularity over the past two decades,
the literature is overwhelmingly focused on activities in democratizing states. This introduces a selection bias that interferes
with proper analysis of causes and consequences of transitional justice on a global scale. In this paper, I discuss conditions
under which new repressive elites, and even old repressive elites who survive to rule and repress in nominally new systems,
may choose to launch broad investigations of the past. I argue that such a decision is based on two primary considerations,
the presence of internally or externally based incentives (e.g., foreign aid) and the level of political control enjoyed by
old elites in the new system. I apply this argument to post-Soviet Central Asia, including a detailed case study of Uzbekistan’s
1999 truth commission based on domestic media analysis and local elite interviews.
相似文献
Brian GrodskyEmail: |
870.
Mary Comerford Cooper 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》2008,13(1):53-78
China’s distinctive set of stock market institutions was introduced in 1990. Among the characteristics of China’s stock markets
was a strict separation between different categories of investors. Listed companies issued different categories of shares
to state shareholders, domestic corporate investors, domestic individual investors, and foreign investors. By 2005, the barriers
segmenting China’s stock market had been significantly relaxed. Domestic investors were allowed to purchase shares previously
reserved for foreign investors, and approved foreign investors were allowed to purchase shares previously earmarked for domestic
individuals. Nevertheless, a crucial barrier remained. An ongoing debate among Chinese academics, investors, and policy makers
focused on how to resolve the “split share structure” (guquan fen zhi) in which a minority of shares were tradable while the
majority of shares (namely those reserved for domestic corporate and state shareholders) were excluded from the market. The
split share structure was blamed for distorting prices and inhibiting development of the stock market. This paper analyzes
the policy adopted to address the split share structure. To what extent does this policy change reflect new thinking on the
part of China’s market regulators? This paper argues that analysis of policy making in China’s capital markets can help to
distinguish between two competing assessments of China’s political economy. One account sees China pursuing a gradualist strategy,
slowly but steadily expanding the role of markets. Another account sees China trapped in a semi-marketized and increasingly
corrupt development pattern. The implementation of the split share structure reform program provides evidence to support the
gradualist account of incremental, but persistent, reform.
Mary Comerford Cooper is an assistant professor in political science at the Ohio State University. Her recent research focuses
on the politics of financial markets in China and Taiwan. Earlier versions of this paper were presented at the Comparative
Politics Research Workshop/ Globalization, Institutions and Economic Security Workshop at Ohio State University in May 2007,
and at the annual meeting of the Association for Chinese Political Studies in July 2007. I benefited greatly from the constructive
and insightful comments of Bj?rn Alpermann, Melanie Barr, Jean-Marc Blanchard, Sarah Brooks, Joseph Fewsmith, Sujian Guo,
Dane Imerman, Ryan Kennedy, Marcus Kurtz, Xiaoyu Pu, James Reilly, Alex Thompson, Daniel Verdier, Jianwei Wang, Alan Wiseman,
Bin Yu, and an anonymous reviewer. I am also grateful for Lan Hu’s exceptional research assistance. All remaining flaws are
purely my own. 相似文献