Comparing functions of transnational city networks in Europe and Asia

Transnational city networks (TCNs) are organisations that facilitate information exchange, cooperation and lobbying activities of cities from different countries—independent of the national level. This paper compares the aims and goals of European and Asian city networks, asking if there are significant differences between the two regions or if certain global patterns of urban international relations can be identified. The analytical concept draws on the literature on European TCNs and identifies specific functions they provide to their membership. By way of a comparative analysis, this concept is extended to the Asian TCN cases. It is shown that in both regions, cities cooperate independently across national borders, circumventing the nation-state. Furthermore, sustainable development with a strong focus on environmental issues, and in particular climate change policy, is the most important policy goal in both Europe and Asia. The TCNs show major differences, however, in the areas of representation of and lobbying on behalf of their memberships. This leads to the conclusions that cities emancipate themselves from the higher tiers of government and that the Westphalian nation state loses coherence in both Europe and Asia, even though to specific degrees.     

Experimental Effect of Shots Caused by Projectiles Fired from Air Guns with Kinetic Energy Below 17 J

Pursuant to the Polish Weapons and Ammunitions Law (Legal Gazette No 53/1999 item 549 with subsequent amendments), air guns with kinetic energy of the fired projectiles below 17 J are not regarded as weapons. The aim of the study was to assess the potential effect of shots caused by projectiles of various mass and structure fired from air guns with kinetic energy below 17 J on human soft tissues. As a model of soft tissue, we used 20% gelatin blocks. After shooting, we measured the depth of gelatin block penetration by pellets fired from various distances and compared these results with autopsy findings. The results demonstrated that examined pneumatic guns may cause serious injuries, including damage to the pleura, pericardium, liver, spleen, kidneys, femoral artery, and thoracic and abdominal aorta. Experiment shown that gelatin blocks do not reflect fully the properties of the human body.     

The Dictator's New Clothes: The Relationship Between E-Participation and Quality of Government in Non-Democratic Regimes

It is often assumed that the development of e-participation and e-government initiatives aimed at stimulating citizen participation in the political process and fostering more efficient governmental services harbors a great potential for improved control of corruption and government performance. Thus, it is often argued that e-participation is an efficient instrument for increasing transparency and quality of government in non-democratic and developing countries. However, this article argues that these assumptions should be questioned on theoretical, empirical, and methodological grounds. The results of the empirical time-series cross-section analyses show that positive development in terms of e-participation in non-democratic countries does not lead to corresponding positive effects in terms of control of corruption and quality of government. Rather, in many cases the Internet offers political elites new opportunities in their quest for remaining in power.     

Orientalism and African Development Studies: the ‘reductive repetition’ motif in theories of African underdevelopment

Contemporary Africa is generally depicted as a ‘failure’. ‘Progress' has eluded the continent throughout the 20th century, and despite new ways of thinking about the reasons for failure and possibilities for success, allusions to the ‘natural weakness and incapacity’ of Africans and their social realities remain evident in theoretical, policy and political discourse on development in Africa. The practice of ‘reductive repetition’, as identified by Abdallah Laroui and Edward Said, has been imported into African development studies from Orientalist scholarship. Reductive repetition reduces the diversity of African historical experiences and trajectories, sociocultural contexts and political situations into a set of core deficiencies for which externally generated ‘solutions’ must be devised. In the field of development studies, the notion of development is introduced to Africa as a deus ex machina. In this article modern conceptualisations of development are challenged in three steps. First, it traces the history of development discourse over the post-Berlin Conference colonial and post-WWII development eras, suggesting that, while rhetoric of racial and cultural inferiority has been transformed, the notion of African deficiency remains at the conceptual and discursive levels. Second, the primarily liberal idea that ‘development for all’ is possible is challenged as being an ecological and economic, and therefore also social, impossibility. Third, given the problems of growth-based development, the article suggests that modern development theory ought to give way to post-developmental thinking which challenges standard a priori assumptions regarding rationality, linearity and modernity, thus offering some modest hope for a move ‘beyond’ the current development impasse.     

Let's Argue about Migration: advancing a right(s) discourse via communicative opportunities

The emerging global governance of migration is dominated by two discourses which shape policy approaches: 1) migration management and 2) the migration–development nexus. With large numbers of labour migrants being marginalised, migrant rights organisations have formed global alliances to argue for the centrality of a third discourse, the rights-based approach to migration. The question is how to inject this into the global debate which has sidelined migrant rights issues. Despite having hardly any bargaining power and restricted space for direct access vis-à-vis global governing institutions, migrant rights organisations are employing a number of strategies to overcome this marginalisation. We analyse these efforts by drawing on social movement studies and International Relations research on communicative action. Empirically this article draws on observations made during two major global fora: the negotiations in connection with the new Convention on ‘Decent Work for Domestic Workers’ at the International Labour Conference (ilc) and civil society participation in the Global Forum on Migration and Development (gfmd).     

What if morality should turn out to be the danger of dangers?1 Global ethics terrorism and the growth of ignorance

Abstract

Two characteristic features of the age of globalisation are (i) the increasing areas that are being moralised and an inflation in the production of discourses on ethics, and with it (ii) an increase in the salience of nonsense in public discourse and mass media content. While scholars and media pundits argue that the proliferation of discourses about morality and global ethics is aimed at moral regeneration and an elimination of nonsense, this article argues that on the contrary, the proliferation of moralising and the formulation of codes of ethics result in an increase of nonsense in public discourse and are eliminating freedom of speech and critical scholarship. Taking a Nietzschean and Machiavellian perspective, this article seeks to unveil the discourse on ethics as a strategy and tactic in the global clash of civilizations, whereby moralising and ethics are used as weapons of war. Today the fabrication of politically correct global ethics is an intellectual treason and poses a greater danger than terrorism.