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Jose G. Lavoie Joseph Kaufert Annette J. Browne Sharon Mah John D. O'Neil Stephanie Sinclair Kathleen BlueSky 《Canadian public administration. Administration publique du Canada》2015,58(2):295-314
This study documents the policy framework that shapes First Nations' experience of relocating to access medical care. We analyzed policy documents and government websites, interviewed individuals who have experienced relocation, family members, healthcare providers, health administrators, and conducted two focus groups with government representatives. Federal and provincial program managers interpret policies, make decisions on eligibility, to extend or deny coverage. Decisions are shaped by shrinking budgets, fragmented program coverage, and jurisdictional confusion. Provider advocacy can help, but also perpetuate perceptions of arbitrariness and distrust. National policy renewal is required to redress this issue. 相似文献
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Fredrick Stephanie S. Nickerson Amanda B. Livingston Jennifer A. 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2022,51(2):361-376
Journal of Youth and Adolescence - The saturation of social media use in adolescents’ lives has raised questions about both the risks and positive outcomes that may be associated with use.... 相似文献
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Poverty rates are particularly high among households headed by single women, and childbirth is often the event preceding these households’ poverty spells. This paper examines the relationship between legal access to the birth control pill and female poverty. We rely on exogenous cross‐state variation in the year in which oral contraception became legally available to young, single women. Using census data from 1960 to 1990, we find that having legal access to the birth control pill by age 20 significantly reduces the probability that a woman is subsequently in poverty. We estimate that early legal access to oral contraception reduces female poverty by 0.5 percentage points, even when controlling for completed education, employment status, and household composition. 相似文献
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Despite a great deal of theoretical and empirical attention given to racial residential segregation and its influence on a number of social problems in the United States, few scholars have examined the role that this persistent form of racial inequality plays in shaping the magnitude of formal social control efforts. Our study examines this relationship by assessing the potential influence that the isolation of minorities may have on efforts to control crime in urban centers across the United States. Using a pooled time-series regression technique well suited for the analysis of aggregate, longitudinal data, we assess the potential influence of racial segregation on the size of municipal police departments in 170 U.S. cities between 1980 and 2010. After accounting for minority group size, economic threat, crime, and disorganization, we find that racial residential segregation has a significant non-linear effect on police force size. Cities with the most racially integrated populations have the smallest police presence but at very high levels of segregation, police strength levels off. This finding is consistent with expectations derived from the contact hypothesis. Under such conditions, majority group members appear to be less inclined to demand greater crime control measures such as increased police protection. Period interactions with residential segregation also suggest that this relationship has grown stronger in each decade since 1980. Overall, our study provides strong support for threat theories and the contact hypothesis but offers necessary refinements. 相似文献