The performance of Chile's system of state-sponsored private pensions has been a major theme for advocates of privatizing U.S. Social Security. Chile's experience also has been criticized by defenders of the current U.S. system. This article explains why, though the critics deserve the upper hand, the whole discussion is misguided. The most basic issue in the policy debate is how adequately pensions could be financed through regulated individual investment in financial markets. Chilean experience offers little evidence on this question because, for the first fifteen years of the system, pensions and accumulations in the Chilean funds had little to do with the kinds of market forces that would be relevant to predicting experience anywhere. 相似文献
This article provides an overview of contemporary cigarette and liquor smuggling affecting Canada and summarizes the results
of research that evaluates a Federal enforcement program in this country entitled the Anti-Smuggling Initiative (ASI). To
combat the escalation and increased organization of cigarette smuggling, the Canadian Government provided special funding
to federal enforcement and prosecution agencies beginning in 1994. The program evaluation concluded that there was a substantial
decrease in the contraband tobacco market as a result of the ASI initiatives; however, evidence suggests that reductions in
Canadian cigarette taxes made during the same period were the most powerful policy tool in influencing cigarette smuggling.
While the ASI laid the foundation for success in dismantling some of the largest known tobacco and liquor smuggling operations
in Canada, it does not appear to have had a strong deterrent effect on organized smuggling in general. Instead, the impact
on smuggling groups can more accurately be characterized as one of displacement. Indeed, history shows that early successes
in organized crime enforcement are often followed by diminishing returns as criminal groups become more adaptive and sophisticated.
This research concludes that to most effectively address the smuggling of legal goods, enforcement must be supplemented with
taxation policies that reduce the financial viability and attractiveness of this trade. 相似文献
The Supreme Court's ruling in City of Richmond v. J.A. Croson (1989) has restricted the use of government procurement assistance programs for minorities and women without the prerequisite support of a disparity study. Recently, an increasing number of disparity studies have been rejected by the courts as "junk science" and the related programs have been ruled unconstitutional. A central issue in these cases has been the approach used to estimate the availability of minority and women firms. Data from the Economic Census are commonly used as the basis for these availability estimates. However, there are significant problems and limitations with the Census data relative to the Croson guideline that the availability of women and minority firms should reflect the number of qualified, willing, and able firms. Given the number and difficulty of the required adjustments to the Census data, it is unlikely that these data will provide availability estimates that are accurate enough to allow for valid statistical tests of an inference of discriminatory exclusion. If minimizing court challenges is a goal of the public administrator who is responsible for the program, then the recommendation here is that a primary source of availability data should be considered. Furthermore, the information system needed to support the women and minority assistance programs should be designed and installed prior to initiating the program. 相似文献
High levels of split ticket voting in elections usually indicate either an instrumental electorate, or widespread disaffection from the major parties. Elections to the Russian lower house, the Duma, permit voters both party list options and single-member ballots; as a result, the 1993 and 1995 Duma elections recorded some of the highest levels of split ticket voting ever recorded. Using national survey data collected just after the 1995 Duma election, we test two major explanations for split ticket voting, one based on the activities of voters, the other on the strategic behaviour of parties. The results show that split ticket voting is caused by voters, and more specifically, by their weak attachments to parties. But party strategy also plays a modest role in promoting the phenomenon. In the absence of major reform of the Russian electoral system, split ticket voting is likely to remain at high levels. 相似文献
Through two case studies, this essay examines the relationship between the operation and practice of law in Aotearoa New Zealand and the naming of the ‘unlawful’, ‘uncivil’ or ‘disorderly’ within a colonial context. Against the background of the apparent complicity between law and colonial interest and desire in Aotearoa, I argue
that, in both the ‘Haka Party’ case (1979) and Mair v Wanganui City Council (1996), the acts of the defendants draw attention to the relationship between the authority of the law and the repression
or exclusion of difference. According to the judges in both cases, the dictates of Maori law and custom were in conflict with the principles of ‘law and order’. Read in terms of colonial relations, the perceived relationship
between Maori law and custom and the threat to ‘civilization’, law and order reveals the way in which ‘the law’ has operated
in a culturally biased manner and has reflected the interests of Pakeha (New Zealanders of European descent). Thus, the perceived threat of the challenge made to the law in either case can be seen
as the threat to reveal it for what it is, to expose the violence that maintains it, and thus to open a space for critique.
Perhaps more powerfully than any physical attack on the system itself, these acts which expose the law challenge it in the
name of justice, making it possible for the law to be seen both as a reflection of a particular cultural interest and hence as co-opt-able,
takeable and able to be made to serve another end, that of the other in the name of justice.
This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
Recent reports have demonstrated that genetically variant peptides derived from human hair shaft proteins can be used to differentiate individuals of different biogeographic origins. We report a method involving direct extraction of hair shaft proteins more sensitive than previously published methods regarding GVP detection. It involves one step for protein extraction and was found to provide reproducible results. A detailed proteomic analysis of this data is presented that led to the following four results: (i) A peptide spectral library was created and made available for download. It contains all identified peptides from this work, including GVPs that, when appropriately expanded with diverse hair-derived peptides, can provide a routine, reliable, and sensitive means of analyzing hair digests; (ii) an analysis of artifact peptides arising from side reactions is also made using a new method for finding unexpected modifications; (iii) detailed analysis of the gel-based method employed clearly shows the high degree of cross-linking or protein association involved in hair digestion, with major GVPs eluting over a wide range of high molecular weights while others apparently arise from distinct non-cross-linked proteins; and (v) finally, we show that some of the specific GVP identifications depend on the sample preparation method. 相似文献
Critics of neoliberalism argue that so-called meritocratic and identity-neutral social policies and political positions actually reinforce and exacerbate intersecting inequalities, namely racism, sexism, heterosexism, classism, and ethnocentrism/xenophobia. The purpose of these studies was to develop and initially validate a scale of neoliberal attitudes from a wide range of existing instruments that reflect anti-neoliberal theory. A series of three studies resulted in a 25-item instrument—the Anti-Neoliberal Attitudes Scale (ANAS)—that exhibits initial evidence of construct validity, internal consistency, and test–retest reliability. Exploratory factor analysis with students from two universities revealed a four-factor structure of Racism and Sexism Awareness, Communitarian Values, Multicultural Ideology, and Inequality Consciousness. However, a confirmatory factor analysis with an independent sample of undergraduate students suggests a bifactor model in which the general factor explains most of the variance and that the instrument should be treated as a single scale, rather than independent subscales. Significant correlations with measures of right-wing authoritarianism and social dominance orientation suggest convergent validity. Temporal stability was established via a test–retest analysis in an independent sample of undergraduate students. Finally, responses from a sample of MTurk workers provided evidence of the ANAS’s incremental validity when compared to an existing measure of neoliberal beliefs. Implications for future empirical work on the psychological dimensions of neoliberalism are discussed.
Policy Sciences - Experts hold a prominent position in guiding and shaping policy-making; however, the nature of expert input to decision-making is a topic of public debate. A key aspect of... 相似文献
Political scientists use short vignettes or mock news stories to embed treatments in experimental survey designs. We investigate whether the choice of format entails a trade off between internal and external validity. On the one hand, short vignettes may improve internal validity by isolating key variables without overloading respondents with information, thereby mitigating satisficing and improving data quality. On the other hand, mock news stories may improve external validity by approximating the circumstances under which individuals consume political information, which may enhance the credibility of the information. We find no evidence, however, that short vignettes mitigate satisficing more than mock news stories. Nor do we find that mock news stories enhance individual perceptions of the credibility of the information. Instead, we find that short vignettes are susceptible to confounding, which mock news story mitigate. These findings have important implications for debates about the use of survey experiments in political science. 相似文献