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991.
Martin Schröder 《Berliner Journal für Soziologie》2013,23(2):205-228
While the corporate social responsibility literature tends to argue that companies should behave socially responsibly, it neglects the empirical question under which conditions they do so. This article fills this research gap by showing under which conditions moral arguments influence companies. The paper uses a representative company survey to show that companies name moral arguments as a strong deterrent to the offshoring of production to low cost countries. In addition, companies are less likely to offshore production when they mention moral scruples against doing so. The article uses a case study to process-trace the mechanisms, by which moral arguments exert this influence. First, it shows how moral arguments influence what is defined as economically rational under uncertainty, thereby influencing economic strategies. Secondly, the article shows how moral arguments influence companies by destroying their social capital, and thirdly, it shows how moral arguments can destroy public legitimacy, again influencing economic behavior. The article proposes these three mechanisms as a general framework through which one can understand the influence of moral arguments on companies. 相似文献
992.
Philipp Köker 《German politics》2013,22(4):602-620
Parties across parliamentary republics compete fiercely over capturing the presidential office. However, they are often torn between seeing their preferred candidate elected and exploiting the election for publicity purposes. The German case, specifically parties’ ability to nominate extra-parliamentarian electors (EPEs) as part of the electoral college, offers a particularly interesting perspective on how parties balance these competing goals. While EPEs allow parties to boost their profile and strengthen ties with selected groups, they also present a risk factor as their voting behaviour is more difficult to predict. Based on a novel data set on party delegations in German presidential elections, 1949–2017, the analysis shows that – contrary to traditional assumptions – competition in the electoral college did not play a role in EPE nominations. Rather, party strategies were influenced by the varying signalling power of the elections. Parties were more risk-averse and nominated fewer EPEs during grand coalitions, when they were part of the federal government, or when federal elections approached, yet nominated more EPEs when they had a larger support base to reward. The results call for further comparative research on indirect elections and different types of EPEs in Germany. 相似文献
993.
Andrea Römmele 《German politics》2013,22(3):120-131
One of the key functions of political parties in modern democracies consists of mobilising the voters and thereby integrating them into the political system. Opinion formation and interest representation by political parties are central to linking people and government. This article concentrates on the way in which political parties perform these tasks. Presenting the main findings of an empirical study into the use of direct mailing by the two major parties in Germany, the SPD and the CDU, the paper discusses its effectiveness as a new means of communication between political parties and their voters. More specifically, it shows how direct mailing is put to use and to what extent its themes reflect the themes of relevant election programmes. The paper concludes that direct mailing has been more widely used only since the change in legislation on party finance but has the potential of developing into an important means of communicating party policies to members and potential supporters. 相似文献
994.
Alexander Börsch 《German politics》2013,22(1):33-50
This paper analyses the impact of intensified international competition on the German corporate governance system by investigating corporate governance and corporate strategy at Bosch. Being a non-listed but highly internationalised company, the case study of Bosch allows one to disentangle the effects of financial and product market globalisation. In order to assess theoretical claims about convergence of German corporate governance towards Anglo-Saxon patterns or continuing divergence – put forward by convergence theory and the ‘Varieties of Capitalism’ approach – four dimensions of corporate governance and strategy are investigated: internationalisation strategy, industrial relations, portfolio policy and product market strategy. The paper argues that international competition in isolation leads to a reinforcement of traditional features of German corporate governance. It finds that Bosch has internationalised vigorously, but followed its traditional style of internationalisation, that co-management of the employees has not come under pressure, that long-pursued diversification attempts have been continued and that Bosch has deepened its product market specialisation. 相似文献
995.
The paper analyzes the impact of natural resource abundance on selected governance indicators. We use a panel data set with observations on a large number of countries over an extended period of time and employ an instrumental variable technique to account for endogeneity. The results show that exports of natural resources have, above all, led to an increase in corruption. This result is robust to both different model specifications and an alternative indicator for natural resource abundance. For other governance indicators, such as law and order and bureaucratic quality, we either find no results or results that lack robustness. 相似文献
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Scholars have argued that recruiting more women to office is an effective way to curb corruption; however, the more precise mechanisms underlying why this may be the case have remained unclear. We use meso‐level theories to elaborate on the relationship and suggest that institutional logics mediate the effect of gendered experiences on corruption. We make two propositions: First, we suggest that the relationship between more women and lower levels of corruption is weaker in the state administration than in the legislative arena, because the bureaucratic administrative logic absorbs actors’ personal characteristics. Second, we refine our institutional argument by claiming that the stronger the bureaucratic principles are in the administration, the less gender matters. We validate our theory using data provided by the European Commission (EC) covering the EC countries and original data from the Quality of Government Institute Expert Surveys, covering a larger set of countries on a worldwide scale. 相似文献
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