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Ethnic minorities have been fleeing persecution in Myanmar for decades. Many have fled to neighbouring countries as a place of first asylum and Malaysia is now home to one the largest urban refugee populations in the region. Malaysia is not a signatory to the UN convention and protocol on refugees and the presence of the UNHCR are barely tolerated, which leaves refugees and asylum seekers in a perennial state of limbo. Most refugees in Malaysia hope that the UNHCR will determine their status and resettle them in the West. Australia has been a key resettlement country for refugees in transit in Malaysia due to the failed Malaysia swap deal that nonetheless secured 4,000 resettlement places from Malaysia to Australia between 2012 and 2016. Refugees look towards Australia as a good international citizen and wealthy resettlement country, where, they believe, they can fulfil their hopes and dreams and secure a future for their children. This article follows the stories of a number of refugees from transit in Malaysia to resettlement in Australia. Resettled refugees are considered the lucky ones, but this article documents the unexpected difficulties of settling in and beginning a new life in Australia. 相似文献
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Abstract. This paper explores the emergence of direct linkages between the international economy and the state government of Baden–Württemberg, Germany. In the early 1990s Baden–Württemberg embarked on a plan in which the laender government took the lead in organizing a large–scale, high technology project for the development of interactive television. Creating a 'network' between itself and major economic actors the laender government sought to enhance the economic development of the region. However, as the economic actors involved in the project questioned the economic viability of interactive television, they began to withdraw from the project. The project's failure demonstrates the incompatibility of political objectives with the economic goals of actors in a globalized economy. We conclude that as attractive as the network approach may be for regional and national governments, it is likely to be successful only where both sets of actors see the outcome as enhancing their respective priorities (political legitimacy and economic gains). 相似文献
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Andr Mach Gerhard Schnyder Thomas David Martin Lüpold 《Swiss Political Science Review》2006,12(1):1-32
La Suisse a toujours connu une forte tradition d'autorégulation par les acteurs privés dans les sphères économiques au détriment d'un cadre légal très étendu. Cela s'avère particulièrement vrai en matière de gouvernement d'entreprise, notamment en ce qui concerne le droit des sociétés, la surveillance des marchés boursiers ou le droit comptable. En raison du caractère très général de la législation, divers mécanismes de gouvernance privée ont généralement complété la base légale minimale dans ces trois domaines. Depuis une vingtaine d'années, on assiste cependant à une profonde transformation de ces mécanismes d'autorégulation dans le sens d'une formalisation accrue et d'un remplacement progressif des solutions privées par des réglementations publiques plus précises dans cinq domaines cruciaux: transférabilité des actions, droit de vote des actions en dépôt auprès des banques, offres publiques d'achat, surveillance des marchés boursiers et établissement des normes comptables. Sous l'effet des transformations de l'environnement international, de l'évolution des préférences de certains acteurs économiques importants et de l'affirmation de nouveaux acteurs (investisseurs institutionnels et experts‐comptables notamment), le cadre réglementaire du gouvernement d'entreprise suisse a été réformé en profondeur. 相似文献
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Gerhard Lehmbruch 《Swiss Political Science Review》1996,2(4):1-24
Die Diskussion über Konkordanzdemokratie und Korporatismus hat die Aufmerksamkeit darauf gelenkt, dass sich staatliche Steuerung in den Ländern Westmitteleuropas (Schweiz, Österreich, Deutschland, Belgien und Niederlande) in beträchtlichem Masse auf Verhandlungslösungen mit und zwischen korporativ verfassten Gruppen rekurriert. Solche “verhandlungsdemokratischen” Strategierepertoires, in die heute staatliche Bürokratien, organisierte Interessen, politische Parteien und autonome Gebietskörperschaften eingebunden sind, haben sich in diesen Ländern in je eigentümlichen Entwicklungspfaden moderner Staatlichkeit ausgebildet. Sie knüpfen an institutionelle Ansatzpunkte für korporative Repräsentation an, die sich hier - alternativ zum hierarchisch-absolutistischen Modell - seit dem Auflösungsprozess des spätmittelalterlichen “Heiligen Römischen Reiches” erhalten haben. Das wird beispielhaft am Entwicklungspfad der deutschen Verhandlungsdemokratie nachgezeichnet, dessen Ursprünge man im föderativen Gleichgewichtsmodell des Westfälischen Friedens (1648) suchen kann. Der Leitbegriff der “Parität” korporativ verfasster und staatlich privilegierter teilautonomer Gruppen, der hier erstmals für die drei grossen Konfessionen entwickelt wurde, ist seit dem 19. Jahrhundert zu der zentralen Friedensformel des deutschen Korporatismus geworden. 相似文献
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The article presents the empirical evidence of violence and the military. It describes acts of violence by, of and within the military and by the members of military organizations. It turns out that, as with modernity in general, violence is an inherent aspect of the military in modern societies, albeit an ambivalent one. Violence by, of and within the military cannot be framed negatively only; it disposes of productive capabilities. The chapter tries to conceptualize the empirical evidence and proposes a 2 × 2 Violence-Military-Matrix. It is argued that violence can be differentiated as constructive-legitimate violence on the one hand and destructive-illegitimate violence on the other hand. With regard to the fields of violence, the extra-organizational and the intra-organizational dimension are differentiated. At the end, it is argued that taming violence transgressions in terms of destructive-illegitimate violence is a Sisyphean task. The proposed conceptual approach to violence and the military may inform the future debate on the sociology of violence. 相似文献
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Gerhard Sabathil 《Asia-Pacific Review》2015,22(2):77-81
EU-Japan cooperation on issues related to security includes efforts for eradicating terrorism, coordinating policy, and working together in crisis management operations. The EU and Japan share the same values and are societies based on democracy and the rule of law, and they have similar approaches to regional and global peace and stability. In 2015 the three focus areas are EU-Japan cooperation for global peace and stability, cooperation for contributing to addressing global challenges, and the promotion of the strategic partnership. This article suggests that bilateral cooperation between the EU and Japan will encourage multilateral commitment for global cooperation to resolve global problems. 相似文献