The Euromaidan and the crisis of Russian nationalism

This article examines the reverberations in Russia of the Euromaidan protests and the fall of the Yanukovych regime in Ukraine. It shows how the events in Kyiv provoked a major crisis in the Russian nationalist movement, which was riven by vituperative denunciations, the ostracism of prominent activists, the breakdown of friendships, the rupture of alliances, and schisms within organizations. Focusing on pro-Kremlin nationalists and several tendencies of opposition nationalists, it argues that this turmoil was shaped by three factors. First, the Euromaidan provoked clashes between pro-Kremlin nationalists, who became standard-bearers of official anti-Euromaidan propaganda, and anti-Putin nationalists, who extolled the Euromaidan as a model for a revolution in Russia itself. Second, the events in Ukraine provoked ideological contention around issues of particular sensitivity to Russian nationalists, such as the competing claims of imperialism and ethnic homogeneity, and of Soviet nationalism and Russian traditionalism. And third, many nationalists were unprepared for the pace of events, which shifted rapidly from an anti-oligarchic uprising in Kyiv to a push for the self-determination of ethnic Russians in Crimean and southeast Ukraine. As a result, they were left in the uncomfortable position of appearing to collaborate with the oppressors of their compatriots.     

Intoxication Levels of Bar Patrons at an Organized Pub Crawl in a College Campus Community

This field study examined whether participants of a traditional, end-of-semester pub crawl in a college campus community had higher levels of intoxication than non-participating bar patrons on the same night as the event. A total of 693 bar patrons participated in the study. Anonymous interview and breath alcohol concentration (BrAC) data were collected from pedestrians in a bar district at the end point of the pub crawl route between 10:00 p.m. and 3:00 a.m. on the night of the event during three different semesters (November, 2007, May, 2008, and May, 2009). A multivariate model adjusting for participant demographics and drinking variables showed that participation in the pub crawl was associated with a 70% reduced risk of being highly intoxicated (i.e., BrAC ≥ 0.08 g/210 L). The lower intoxication levels among pub crawl participants may have implications for harm reduction practices at high-risk drinking events. These implications are discussed.     

Engagement with empire as norm and in practice in Kazakh nomadic political culture (1820s–1830s)

This article offers an analysis of the Kazakh nomadic political culture of the 1820s–30s with focus on two issues: (1) service and loyalty as elements of Kazakh engagement with the Russian Empire; and (2) the place in local political practice of the regional administrative offices (diwans) created for Middle Horde Kazakh nomads in 1822. While Russia’s goal was ‘bureaucratization’ and creation of ‘order’ in the steppe, in part through directing nomads to engage with the diwan and its elected Kazakh officials, Kazakh political actors variously embraced and rejected formal structures, and continued to define relevant norms and practices of governance. The analysis challenges both statist and nationalist narratives of nineteenth-century Kazakh steppe history by acknowledging the complexities of the Kazakh nomadic experience of empire-building. The ultimate purpose is to suggest new approaches for interpreting historical change throughout the nineteenth century and into the twentieth.     

Bringing Economics Back into Assimilation: The Select Committee of Inquiry into the Grievances of The Yirrkala Aborigines 1963

This article takes as its starting point Marcia Langton's argument for a clearer understanding of the role of economic history in Australian Indigenous affairs in order to examine the testimony presented to the Select Committee established to respond to the Bark Petitions in 1963. The testimony is discussed in four categories, dealing with questions of (a) land and land use; (b) employment, education and training; (c) infrastructure, water, health and housing, and (d) the distinct perspective of the Indigenous witnesses and those sympathetic to their viewpoint. I highlight the various ways in which the economic dimensions of the Yirrkala community's relationship to land were systematically ignored and suppressed, despite the claim among proponents of assimilation to be seeking the incorporation of Australian Aborigines into mainstream economic activity. I conclude by identifying the light thrown by the Select Committee's testimony on the ways in which Aboriginal Australians have been ignored as economic actors, thus systematically undermining the aims of assimilation policy rather than advancing them. “We would not mind the natives standing on the banks and watching the shovels work if they want to do so.” 1