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We use an institutional rational choice approach to help us understand how prime ministers in the UK make cabinet appointments and the implications for prime ministerial power. Assuming that prime ministers attempt to form a cabinet so as to get an overall package of policies as close as possible to their ideal, we show why the trade-offs they face are so complex, why apparently common-sense rules for making appointments might not always work well and why apparently strange choices made by prime ministers might actually be rational. Acknowledging the power prime ministers derive from their ability to appoint, we argue that the literature commonly fails to distinguish between power and luck, where lucky prime ministers get their way because they happen to agree with colleagues. 相似文献
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Dalston G. Ward 《Journal of Elections, Public Opinion & Parties》2019,29(3):402-419
A change in electoral laws is expected to substantially alter political outcomes as voters and elites adjust their behavior to new rules. However, testing the causal implications of this theory using electoral reforms has been difficult because election results before a reform are not the appropriate counterfactual for election results after a reform. This article leverages electoral reform in New Zealand and Norway and the synthetic control method to approximate the appropriate counterfactuals: election results in the period after reform, had the reform not occurred. In both the countries, I find evidence that electoral reform had a short-term effect on the size of the electoral party system, but no evidence of a lasting effect on the electoral party system. 相似文献
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The common perception that Montesquieu is not a major theoristof federalism is due both to the peripheral nature of his accountof confederate republics and his praise of the unitary BritishConstitution in the Spirit of the Laws. This study challengesthis view by arguing that, despite his endorsement of the separationof powers, Montesquieu had serious reservations about England'shighly centralized system of parliamentary sovereignty. Moreover,his most significant reflections on federalism were not containedin his brief treatment of confederate republics, but ratherin his lengthy consideration of Gothic constitutionalism. Iconclude that Montesquieu's complex constitutional theory involvestwo distinct dimensions including both the separation of powersexemplified in England and the federal principles in the decentralizedGothic system of medieval France. 相似文献
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Tony Ward 《心理学、犯罪与法律》2013,19(3):209-228
Abstract The aim of the current article is to critically examine an extremely influential multi-factorial theory of child molestation, Marshall and Barbaree's (1990) integrated theory. This powerful model was developed as a general theory of sexual offending and used to explain the onset of child sexual abuse in addition to other forms of sexual deviance. Despite its prominent status the adequacy of its basic ideas have never been systematically evaluated. First, I describe the integrated theory in detail and outline its core assumptions. Next, these ideas are subject to critical analysis and I highlight its strengths and weaknesses. Finally, I conclude with some brief comments about the model and the role of theory development in the sexual offending area. 相似文献
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Ian Ward Professor 《The Journal of legal history》2013,34(1):1-30
William Godwin was one of the most highly regarded of late English Enlightenment radicals. Yet today, he remains one of the least appreciated, and least understood. The purpose of this article is to present a broad introduction to Godwin's legal and political thought, focusing both on his various political essays and novels, as well as his more renowned Enquiry Concerning Political Justice. It will be suggested, in conclusion, that the ‘species of anarchly’ which Godwin espoused resonates very particularly with contemporary debates surrounding the shape of a distinctive postmodern legal humanism. 相似文献
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