Abstract: An institution's size is one of its most obvious and important features. This paper suggests that although analysts and practitioners are certainly aware that scale does matter, the consequences of size for comparative analysis of Canadian governmental institutions have been seriously under-appreciated. To be sure, size is only one of a host of factors shaping our political institutions, but this should not discount its importance, which is both pronounced and widespread. The paper also raises the question of whether the great variations in size evident in Canada's governmental institutions — legislatures, cabinets, and bureaucracies — may not amount to differences in kind rather than degree. In short, the size of our governmental institutions matters, and it matters more than we usually imagine. Size may be relative or absolute. In this paper both dimensions are important. Both the ratio of the cabinet to the legislature and the number of elected members relative to the population have significant implications. So too, the absolute size of the cabinet and the number of bureaucrats are of substantial consequence. Sommaire: Les effets de la taille sur les institutions gouvernementales du Canada (parlements, cabinets et bureaucraties) sont reconnus sans être véritablement étudiés. Cet article analyse les structures des gouvernements fédéral et provinciaux pour identifier et explorer ces effets. On y affirme que les variations dans la taille des institutions gouvernementales du Canada revdent souvent une différence de nature plutôt que de degré. En ce qui concerne les Parlements, la taille affecte les procédures, la formation des comités, les rapports entre les députés et ceux avec I'exécutif. Dans les cabinets, elle influence le processus décisionnel, le rôle du premier ministre et les rernanie-ments ministériels. Quant aux bureaucraties, la taille y exerce un effet sur les rapports entre les ministres et les fonctionnaires, sur la capacité de gérer avec souplesse et sur I'efficacité d'ensemble. Cet article ne constitue pas un plaidoyer favorable ou défavorable des institutions gouvernementales de taille plus petite; il rnontre qu'elles sont différentes, souvent fondamentalement. Entre autres, cela jette le doute sur I'idée que I'on se fait souvent des structures gouvernernentales des provinces, qui ne seraient que des versions réduites de celles du fédéral. 相似文献
Richard Abraham, Alexander Kerensky: The First Love of the Revolution, London: Sidgwick & Jackson, 1987, xxii + 503 pp. £20.00.
R. F. Miller et al. eds. Gorbachev at the Helm: A New Era in Soviet Politics? London: Croom Helm, 1987, viii + 251 pp., £30.00.
Mervyn Matthews, Poverty in the Soviet Union: The Life‐Styles of the Underprivileged in Recent Years. Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1986, xv + 227 pp., £22.40 h/b £7.95 p/b.
Cynthia S. Kaplan, The Party and Agricultural Crisis Management in the USSR, Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1987, xvi + 203 pp., $30.75. 相似文献
In this paper we propose a theoretical model that examines the relationship between resources and significant others in people's attempts to restore equity. Viewing the restoration of equity as a complex process, we integrate resource mobilization and equity arguments in order to better understand how people come to dispute and settle fair terms of exchange in allocative relationships. With individual-level data, we examine sex discrimination complaints and show that protest reactions against a perceived injustice are influenced by the level of resources a person controls. We find that the more resources a person controls, the better able she or he is in managing the protest and negotiation for equity. Further, resources also protect complainants from reprisals by the source of the inequity. These findings provide insight into the process by which people attempt to restore equity, and they suggest that the examination of real-life inequitable relations enhances our understanding of reactions to inequity. 相似文献
Gordon B. Smith, Soviet Politics: Continuity and Contradiction. Basingstoke and London: Macmillan Education, 1988. xi + 388 pp. £30.00 h/b, £8.95 p/b.
Daniel Thorniley, The Rise and Fall of the Soviet Rural Communist Party. 1927 39. London: Macmillan Press, 1988, xiii + 246 pp., £29.50.
Zenovia A. Sochor, Revolution and Culture: The Bogdanov‐Lenin Controversy, Cornell University Press, 1988, $32.95 ($29.95 USA and Canada.
Robert Edelman, Proletarian Peasants. The Revolution of 1905 in Russia's Southwest. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1987, xv + 195 pp., no price.
Robert W. Thurston, Liberal City, Conservative State: Moscow and Russia's Urban Crisis, 1906 1914. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987, viii + 266 pp., £27.50.
Douglas R. Weiner, Models of Nature: Ecology, Conservation, and Cultural Revolution in Soviet Russia. Bloomington and Indianapolis, Indiana University Press, 1988, xiv + 312 pp., $35.00.
Werner G. Hahn, Democracy in a Communist Party: Poland's experience since 1980. New York: Columbia University Press, 1987, xxv + 368 pp., $42.00.
Jaroslav Bilocerkowycz, Soviet Ukrainian Dissent: a Study of Political Alienation. Boulder: Westview Press, 1988, xii + 242 pp., $27.50 p/b.
Petro R. Sodol, UPA: They fought Hitler and Stalin, New York: Committee for the World Convention and Reunion of Soldiers in the Ukrainian Insurgent Army, 1987, 128 pp., $12.00.
Bruce McFarlane, Yugoslavia: Politics, Economics and Society. London and New York: Pinter Publishers, 1988, xxii + 240 pp., £25.00 h/b., £8.95 p/b. 相似文献
High levels of stigma and discrimination are reported by individuals with mental health problems. Aim: To assess self-reported levels of stigma and discrimination in forensic psychiatric patients, with psychotic illness, compared with general adult psychiatric patients with psychosis. Hypothesis: Individuals with a history of violent offending, as well as severe mental illness, report more stigma and discrimination, than non offender patients, as a result of them being perceived as dangerous and unpredictable. Method: Experiences of stigma and discrimination were compared in 32 forensic and 32 non-forensic general psychiatric patients, with schizophrenia or schizoaffective disorder, using the Stigma and Discrimination Scale (DISC). Results: Stigma and discrimination were widely reported by all patients, particularly affecting relationships with family, intimate relationships and friendships. No significant difference emerged between the forensic and non-forensic patients, in experienced or anticipated stigma. Conclusions: We suggest that the lower level of psycho pathology, longer inpatient stays and intensive rehabilitation for forensic patients may reduce the extent to which these patients experience stigma and discrimination. 相似文献
In this note, Katherine A. White explores the conflict between religious health care providers who provide care in accordance with their religious beliefs and the patients who want access to medical care that these religious providers find objectionable. Specifically, she examines Roman Catholic health care institutions and HMOs that follow the Ethical and Religious Directives for Catholic Health Care Services and considers other religious providers with similar beliefs. In accordance with the Directives, these institutions maintain policies that restrict access to "sensitive" services like abortion, family planning, HIV counseling, infertility treatment, and termination of life-support. White explains how most state laws protecting providers' right to refuse treatments in conflict with religious principles do not cover this wide range of services. Furthermore, many state and federal laws and some court decisions guarantee patients the right to receive this care. The constitutional complication inherent in this provider-patient conflict emerges in White's analysis of the interaction of the Free Exercise and Establishment Clauses of the First Amendment and patients' right to privacy. White concludes her note by exploring the success of both provider-initiated and legislatively mandated compromise strategies. She first describes the strategies adopted by four different religious HMOs which vary in how they increase or restrict access to sensitive services. She then turns her focus to state and federal "bypass" legislation, ultimately concluding that increased state supervision might help these laws become more viable solutions to provider-patient conflicts. 相似文献