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261.
Matt?JamesEmail authorView authors OrcID profile Jordan?Stanger-Ross the Landscapes of Injustice Research Collective 《Human Rights Review》2018,19(3):289-311
Political apologies are commonly imagined as gestures of finality and closure: capstone moments that summate public knowledge. One manifestation of these assumptions is the position that apologies should be timed to come only after appropriate investigation into the wrongdoing has been completed. This article takes a different view, for two reasons. First, even apologies that seem based on robust knowledge can come to seem incomplete or inadequate in the light of subsequent learning and knowledge. Second, because apologies are complexly embedded in longer-term processes of activism and response, they can contribute to their own unravelling by encouraging further consideration and inquiry. We develop these arguments by considering two Canadian cases that illustrate these dynamics: apologies that addressed, respectively, the wartime internment of Japanese Canadians and the policy of forcing Indigenous children to attend residential schools. 相似文献
262.
Paratta Promme John K.M. Kuwornu Ganesh P. Shivakoti Peeyush Soni 《Development in Practice》2017,27(6):865-879
This article assesses the factors determining the type of rubber product that farmers are willing to sell and the factors influencing their marketing channel choice in Thailand. Primary data were collected through questionnaire administration from 280 rubber farmers in two southern provinces. The results of the logit regression model revealed that membership of farmers’ organisation, access to knowledge and information, and total area of immature rubber positively influenced the sale of fresh latex. Membership of farmer organisations and accessibility to market infrastructure also significantly positively influenced the sale of fresh latex to farmer groups. The implications for rubber marketing are presented. 相似文献
263.
Audrey André & Sam Depauw 《West European politics》2013,36(1):228-237
The critical 2010 federal elections left the Flemish nationalists (N-VA) the dominant political party in the north and the francophone Socialists (PS) in the south of the country, unable to find common ground on the issue of devolution. It took no fewer than 541 days – a world record – to form a government rallying Christian Democrats (CD&V and cdH), Liberals (Open VLD and MR), and Socialists (sp.a and PS). The 2014 federal elections marked a change in tone, being fought on socio-economic terms, but confirmed the stalemate nonetheless. The N-VA made further inroads, winning 29.8 per cent of the vote in the Dutch-speaking community. The governing parties held firm, however; the PS in particular remained the largest political formation in the south, winning 31.0 per cent of the vote in the French-speaking community. Moreover, on 25 May 2014 federal elections, regional elections in Flanders, Wallonia, and Brussels (and the German-speaking community), and European elections were held simultaneously, further raising the stakes in the complex, interconnected, government formation. 相似文献
264.
Andrew Goldsmith & Sinclair Dinnen 《Third world quarterly》2013,34(6):1091-1109
In this paper we begin by defining and examining the concept of police building. Its historical precedents and contemporary forms are briefly reviewed, showing a variety of motives and agendas for this kind of institution building. We argue that police building has been a relatively neglected dimension of nation- and state-building exercises, despite its importance to functions of pacification and restoration of law and order. The emerging literature on international police reform and capacity building tends to adopt a narrow institutionalist and universalistic approach that does not take sufficient account of the politics of police building. This politics is multilayered and varies from the formal to the informal. Using two case studies focusing on events in 2006 in Timor-Leste and Solomon Islands, the reasons for the fragility of many current police-building projects are considered. In both cases, we argue, police capacity builders paid insufficient attention to the political architecture and milieu of public safety. 相似文献
265.
T. V. Paul & Erik Underwood 《India Review》2013,12(4):348-367
ABSTRACTIn this paper we build on Robert Jervis’ concept of strategic triangles, relations between three states where from the point of view of each state the others are pivotal for its security or foreign policy behavior in a given region. We argue that triangles are important in influencing state behavior in the areas of balance of power, deterrence, arms races and status competition, and consider how these dimensions might interact. In this context, this article examines the US–India–China triangle, while also addressing to a lesser extent how other related triangles interlink with it, taking into account how China’s rise and increasing economic interdependence impact these relations. 相似文献
266.
267.
Laura Muir & Natalie Klein 《Journal of International Wildlife Law & Policy》2013,16(2-3):190-219
AbstractThe conservation and management of sharks is regulated under different international instruments of varying degrees of specificity and with different legal purposes. Two international instruments targeted at the conservation and management of sharks are the International Plan of Action for Sharks and the Sharks Memorandum of Understanding, which was adopted under the Convention on Migratory Species. This article examines and compares these two non-binding instruments, querying not only what was gained from the adoption of an additional non-binding instrument in the Sharks MoU just ten years after the IPOA Sharks but also how the accumulation of soft law instruments may operate within the framework of international environmental law. We show that such instruments do serve different purposes and can serve the ultimate goal of improving the conservation status of sharks, as well as thickening international environmental law to the benefit of species conservation. 相似文献
268.
269.
Andreas Knabe & Ronnie Sch?b 《German politics》2013,22(4):506-526
Do minimum wages reduce in-work poverty and wage inequality? Or can alternative policies do better? Germany suffers from high unemployment among low-skilled workers and rising wage dispersion at the lower end of the wage distribution. We analyse the impact on employment, wage inequality, public expenditure, and incomes of poor households of three different policy options currently being discussed in Germany: a statutory minimum wage, a combination of minimum wages and wage subsidies, and pure wage subsidies to low-paid workers. In doing so, we distinguish between perfectly competitive and monopsonistic labour markets. We find that a minimum wage of EUR 7.50 would cost between 410,000 and 840,000 low-paid jobs, increasing the fiscal burden, while only moderately raising the income of poor households. With pure wage subsidies, the government can always ensure more favourable employment effects. Combining a minimum wage with a wage subsidy turns out to be extremely costly and inferior to wage subsidies in all respects. 相似文献
270.
The study reveals the salience of particular issues in the manifestos of the main British parties for the 1997 and 2003 UK general elections, as well as the 2003 Scottish and Welsh elections, using the method introduced by the Comparative Manifesto Project (CMP) and a modified list of issue categories to reflect the division of government competences between the central and regional governments. Ideological and social base of a party, as well as the delimitation of government competences, are found to be important determinants of issue salience. A more consensual institutional design of the regional government in Scotland and Wales seems to have conditioned larger differences among the issue profiles of parties competing in regional elections, in comparison with general elections. With the institutionalisation of devolution, however, we observe an increase in the similarity of the issue profiles of the same parties in general and in Scottish and Welsh elections, as well as among different parties competing in the same regional elections. 相似文献