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271.
Annemarije Oosterwaal & René Torenvlied 《West European politics》2013,36(2):258-279
A growing political polarisation on ethnic integration policy is characteristic of current discussions in Dutch politics. The preferences of Dutch citizens, by contrast, remain fairly stable over time. Thus, polarised politics in the Netherlands is assumed to grow apart from the preferences of ordinary citizens, leading to a gap between politics and society. The present article describes and compares trends in societal and political polarisation on ethnic integration policy in the Netherlands between 1994 and 2006. Three mechanisms are explored that explain a discrepancy between trends in political and societal polarisation: (a) parties' responsiveness to political elites, (b) mean partisan representation, and (c) issue salience. Analyses of data from Dutch election studies and party manifestos reveal the existence of a discrepancy in trends. Political polarisation appears to be associated with trends in mean partisan polarisation and in issue salience, and not with trends in political elite polarisation. 相似文献
272.
Helen Callaghan & Martin H?pner 《West European politics》2013,36(3):551-573
What determines party positions on issues of economic governance? Most previous research has pointed either to the presumed material interests of the parties' clienteles, or to the political institutions that shape electoral competition. Both approaches do well in explaining cross-national variation, but neither can adequately account for changes over time. This article documents German Social Democrats' policy preferences and the underlying discourse on organised capitalism from 1880 onward to highlight the crucial role of historical context. The interests reflected in party positions cannot simply be read off the material environment. Instead, as suggested by constructivist work on preference formation, they depend on theories regarding the causal effect of alterative policy measures. Following Peter Hall, we treat the evolution of such theories as a ‘process structured in space and time’, by illustrating how ‘context factors’ affect the relative salience of the multiple considerations pertaining to organised capital. 相似文献
273.
274.
目的探讨TGF-β1、b—FGF和VEGF在人体皮肤创伤组织中的表达变化及其与损伤时间的关系。方法收集15例机械性致伤的人体皮肤组织(受伤5—120min内死亡),常规制作组织切片后进行免疫组化染色,并统计分析TGF-β1、b—FGF和VEGF因子的表达情况。结果 TGF-β1在16—50min组表达升高,60~120min组呈阳性至强阳性表达;b—FGF在16—50min组表达升高明显,强阳性表达亦出现在60~120min组;VEGF仅在60—120min组出现阳性表达。统计学分析表明,TGF—β1和b—FGF的表达升高分别在受伤60~120min(P<0.01)和在16—50min(P<0.01)有显著性意义,VEGF表达升高只在60~120min(P<0.05)有显著性意义。结论 TGF-β1、b—FGF和VEGF的表达时间和表达强度与损伤时间有关;TGF-β1、b—FGF和VEGF的表达可为人体短存活期损伤时间的推断提供参考。 相似文献
275.
大鼠急性心肌缺血zif/268蛋白表达及其意义 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
目的 探讨急性心肌缺血早期不同时间不同区域心肌细胞内原癌基因蛋白zif/268的表达变化,为心肌早期缺血死后诊断提供新指标。方法 建立心肌早期缺血模型,大鼠分为正常、缺血组。采用免疫组化SABC法研究心肌细胞核蛋白zif/268的累积情况。结果 缺血 60min后,缺血区大鼠心肌细胞有部分心肌细胞核呈弱阳性着色,以后随缺血时间延长核阳性增强。正常和缺血30min组及未缺血区心肌细胞核未见有阳性反应。HE染色无明显病理改变。结论 免疫组化染色法检测心肌细胞核zif/268的表达对急性心肌缺血的死后诊断是一种有价值有意义的手段。 相似文献
276.
目的建立饮料、血、尿中 11种常见苯并二氮类药物及尿中 7种主要代谢物的薄层色谱分析法(HPTLC)。方法分析物采用GDX10 1树脂进行固相萃取 ,乙醚作为洗脱溶剂。苯 :丙酮 (10∶6)等作为展开体系 ,改良碘化铋钾显色。结果所建方法绝对灵敏度 0 3~ 0 6μg,尿检出限 0 4~ 1 0 μg/ml、血检出限 0 6~ 1 0 μg/ml、饮料检出限 0 4~ 0 8μg/ml。结论HPTLC法简便、快速 ,适合作为常规毒物分析方法 相似文献
277.
278.
Since the early years of the twenty-first century, a number of key regional governments have consciously chosen to alter the way they talk about the region, and have now largely shifted from using the ‘Asia-Pacific’ to the ‘Indo-Pacific’ construct. But after three decades of utilising the ‘Asia-Pacific’ concept, why has this been the case and how might this shift in geographical conceptualisation alter the strategic framework of the region? This paper argues that the ‘Indo-Pacific’ is a regional reconceptualisation utilised by Japan, Australia, India and the USA to address deficiencies in Asia’s maritime security and institutional architecture, which are being simultaneously influenced by a more assertive Chinese posture and waning U.S. influence. Additionally, the Indo-Pacific concept has developed in tandem with a transformation in the regional security architecture. The utilisation of maritime minilateralism between Japan, India, Australia and the USA supplements Asia’s bilateral American alliances, with an array of trilateral security dialogues or ‘security triangles’. The Asia-Pacific to Indo-Pacific shift is really an instance of an emerging minilateral security regionalism, rather than the predominant forms of bilateral and multilateral security and economic regionalism that have dominated Asia in recent decades. 相似文献
279.
In recent years ‘movement parties’ such as Syriza in Greece, the Movimento 5 Stelle in Italy, Podemos in Spain and—to a lesser extent—Bloco de Esquerda in Portugal shook national party systems, breaking the consolidated dynamics of political competition. Despite growing interest in movement parties, there has been scant attention to the role of citizens adopting unconventional forms of action and using digital media in accounting for their electoral performance. To fill this gap, four original internet-based post-electoral surveys are employed showing that protesters and digital media users are more likely to vote for these parties, despite important country differences. 相似文献
280.
Amparo González-Ferrer & Francisco Javier Moreno-Fuentes 《South European society & politics》2017,22(4):447-471
The complex and multidimensional economic crisis experienced by Spain since 2008 significantly altered migration patterns in this country. Large scale unemployment contributed to slow down migrant inflows and accelerated out-migration flows in Spain. The media coverage of these processes created a distorted image of the patterns of migration affecting Spain during the crisis. Although the incipient economic recovery has not had a major impact in terms of modifying the migration dynamics triggered by the crisis, the media attention to this issue has substantially decreased without questioning its previous approach to the phenomenon. This article presents extensive data from a wide range of sources covering the period 2008–2016 to extract detailed information about the reality of crisis-era migration flows in Spain, and discusses the extent to which the media treatment of the issue has contributed to a partial and misleading view of the causes and consequences of the new Spanish emigration. 相似文献