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121.
AKASH PAUN ROBERT HAZELL ANDREW TURNBULL ALAN BEITH PAUL EVANS MICHAEL CRICK 《The Political quarterly》2010,81(2):213-227
The return of a hung parliament at the 2010 general election is a serious possibility. But due to Westminster's limited recent experience of parliaments under ‘no overall control’ there is little institutional memory in Whitehall or Westminster, and even less public understanding, of what the implications would be. This article sets out to analyse the principal challenges that would be faced by government, opposition, parliament and the media in the event of a hung parliament. Drawing on experience from Canada, New Zealand and Scotland, we discuss the difficulties that may arise during the immediate government formation process and in the course of making minority or multiparty governance work on an ongoing basis. We conclude that a hung parliament need not undermine political stability or effective governance, but that all actors would need to adapt their behaviour and should therefore prepare carefully for this eventuality. 相似文献
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ANDREW ANCHETA 《今日中国(英文版)》2014,(12):76-77
正ON October 23,a Chinese audience was astonished and delighted to hear Facebook founder and CEO Mark Zuckerberg answer their questions in Mandarin.A video of the event,posted on Facebook and China’s Wechat,quickly became a hit on social media, 相似文献
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Social policy is of key importance to contemporary society, accounting for two thirds of public expenditure and, through provision such as the NHS, pensions, benefits, schools, universities and social care, touching on the lives of much of the population on a daily basis. It has also been one of the areas where the Conservative party have sought to change their image, and to some extent policies, under David Cameron. Drawing upon a range of evidence, including interviews with more than ten per cent of the House of Commons and the House of Lords, this article examines the potential challenges for a Conservative government of either stance, focusing on the extent of possible support for the Conservatives' approach to social policy amongst three key groups: the public, MPs, and members of the House of Lords. 相似文献
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ANDREW REYNOLDS 《Legislative Studies Quarterly》2005,30(2):301-310
As competitive democracy is crafted in ethnically plural and postconflict nation‐states, the question of whether or not to reserve legislative seats for communal groups—ethnic, national, or religious—is increasingly a topic of debate. This research note provides an overview of targeted electoral mechanisms designed to ensure the inclusion in national parliaments of representatives of ethnic, racial, national, or religious communities. The data show that the existence of reserved seats in national legislatures for such groups is much more widespread, and less idiosyncratic, than many scholars previously thought. This finding, along with current discussions in high‐profile cases of constitutional design, suggests that the occurrence and impact of reserved seats should be analyzed in greater detail. 相似文献
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RANDALL M. JONES ANDREW J. DICK H. REED GEERTSEN JERRY L. COOK DIANA D. COYL 《Juvenile & family court journal》2003,54(3):47-59
Peer courts are an alternative to juvenile court, intended to provide less stigmatizing and more individually responsive dispositions for first‐time and early youthful offenders. This study examined the potential usefulness of assessing ego identity status for peer courts. Mailed surveys were sent to attendees of seven Utah peer courts who had their cases reviewed between August 1998 and January 1999. Thirty‐seven percent (N = 120) responded. Chi Square analysis showed that ego identity statuses were related to drug use and previous delinquent behavior, but not recidivism. Foreclosed status youths were statistically unlikely to recidivate, use drugs, and reported fewer previous offenses. 相似文献