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131.
ANDREW HEDE 《管理》1991,4(4):489-510
The managerial reforms that have been implemented in the public sectors of many countries over the past decade are part of an international trend (Aucoin 1990, 134). Managerial reform in public administration can be seen as a Zeitgeist , a pervasive idea whose time has come. As Caiden (1988, 354) points out, effective administrative reform can be sustained only by a "crusading spirit" or the burning flame of idealism, and such a flame has blazed up in the past ten years. History may well show that the managerial reforms of the late 20th century had as dramatic an impact on public administration as the merit reforms of the late 19th century.
These managerial reforms have invariably involved an emphasis on giving the public better value for money, and have usually included the introduction of efficiency measures and corporate planning techniques, the improvement of financial management procedures, the assessment of performance in terms of results against goals, the adoption of private sector human resource management practices, and the use of management information systems and other management tools. The implementation of such managerial reforms has typically been heralded by the establishment of a unified elite group of senior executives in the higher civil service. This paper reviews the recent trends in the higher civil services of America, Canada, Britain and Australia, and considers how they exemplify the managerial approach to administrative reform.1 相似文献
These managerial reforms have invariably involved an emphasis on giving the public better value for money, and have usually included the introduction of efficiency measures and corporate planning techniques, the improvement of financial management procedures, the assessment of performance in terms of results against goals, the adoption of private sector human resource management practices, and the use of management information systems and other management tools. The implementation of such managerial reforms has typically been heralded by the establishment of a unified elite group of senior executives in the higher civil service. This paper reviews the recent trends in the higher civil services of America, Canada, Britain and Australia, and considers how they exemplify the managerial approach to administrative reform.
132.
ANDREW REYNOLDS 《Legislative Studies Quarterly》2005,30(2):301-310
As competitive democracy is crafted in ethnically plural and postconflict nation‐states, the question of whether or not to reserve legislative seats for communal groups—ethnic, national, or religious—is increasingly a topic of debate. This research note provides an overview of targeted electoral mechanisms designed to ensure the inclusion in national parliaments of representatives of ethnic, racial, national, or religious communities. The data show that the existence of reserved seats in national legislatures for such groups is much more widespread, and less idiosyncratic, than many scholars previously thought. This finding, along with current discussions in high‐profile cases of constitutional design, suggests that the occurrence and impact of reserved seats should be analyzed in greater detail. 相似文献
133.
RANDALL M. JONES ANDREW J. DICK H. REED GEERTSEN JERRY L. COOK DIANA D. COYL 《Juvenile & family court journal》2003,54(3):47-59
Peer courts are an alternative to juvenile court, intended to provide less stigmatizing and more individually responsive dispositions for first‐time and early youthful offenders. This study examined the potential usefulness of assessing ego identity status for peer courts. Mailed surveys were sent to attendees of seven Utah peer courts who had their cases reviewed between August 1998 and January 1999. Thirty‐seven percent (N = 120) responded. Chi Square analysis showed that ego identity statuses were related to drug use and previous delinquent behavior, but not recidivism. Foreclosed status youths were statistically unlikely to recidivate, use drugs, and reported fewer previous offenses. 相似文献
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135.
Climate change is fuelling a significant renaissance in the national environmental movement in the UK. The broad aim of this article is better to understand the extent to which the 2006 Stern Review on climate change marked a decisive turning point in the battle against climate change or just another missed opportunity. Labelled as the most comprehensive review of the economics of climate change ever produced, the Stern Review was commissioned by the Chancellor in the summer of 2005 as part of the G8 Gleneagles Dialogue on Climate Change. The main themes of and reactions to the Stern Review are analysed against the backdrop of changing domestic party politics. Then, the follow through in terms of new political and policy pronouncements is examined. It is concluded that finding a way to tie together domestic and international actions on climate change represents an enormously tricky political challenge for whoever succeeds Blair as prime minister. 相似文献
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138.
ANDREW LIKIERMAN 《Public administration》1982,60(2):127-142
MINIS, a management information system for ministers in the Department of the Enviroment, was introduced by Michael Heseltine in 1980. The article summarizes the main features of the system and analyses some of the issues arising from its introduction, in particular, whether it is likely to be adopted by other government departments or public bodies. The reasons offered by departments as to why it is difficult to transfer are examined, together with other factors which are likely to inhibit transfer to other public sector bodies. The mechanism for promoting the spread of such systems is also discussed. The conclusion is that MINIS ought to be considered by other bodies and it has almost certainly already had some impact on systems elsewhere in central government, but without a central initiative, more widespread adoption is on past evidence unlikely, although parts of it may be adopted. 相似文献
139.
140.
The distinctive feature of industrial policy towards the motor industry in the 1980s was the transformation in government policy from one of subsidizing bl to active encouragement of Japanese inward investment. This article focuses on the key events of the bl privatization and illustrates how the changing nature of the government's relationship with bl and the motor industry was a fundamental influence on policy change. It also examines the utility of policy network models in accounting for policy outcomes in a highly politicized policy environment. 相似文献