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61.
DE YONGJIAN 《今日中国(英文版)》2008,57(3):40-43
SINCE Los Angeles unexpectedly reaped a profit in 1984 for the first time in the history of the modem Olympics, the quadrennial event has become an economic bonanza for host cities. Barce- lona, for example, achieved a profit of US $26.05 billion in 1992. The Olym- pic-related economy in Beijing is also picking up as the big event draws near.and put up eight temporary structures in and around the park. After the Games, the park and venues will continue to host top sporting events, and provide ample facilities for the public's sporting activities. The boom is expected to last well beyond August. At the begin- ning of 2007, the Beijing Municipal Government stated that sports-related businesses are set to be one of the city's 相似文献
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RENE DE NEVERS 《Political science quarterly》2006,121(3):369-395
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In the current times of economic turmoil, many sectors are thought to be in need of structural reform or system overhauls, which call for political leadership, decisiveness and vision. These kinds of challenges present governments with a dilemma. On the one hand, there is a call for radical change while, on the other hand, the options available for such radical change are limited by the many interdependencies of a network society. In this article, we analyse three fundamental and structural reforms in Dutch housing. These reforms were all implemented in a world of interdependencies. The strategies applied appear to be a mixture of unilateral, hierarchical strategies and multilateral, network strategies. These hybrid strategies come in three forms: (1) a combination of hierarchical and network strategies; (2) variations/alternations over time between network strategies and hierarchical strategies; and (3) the use of one strategy in the frontstage while the other strategy is being used backstage. Greater understanding of these types of hybrids can help governments in dealing with the tension between interdependencies and the need for change. 相似文献
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Abstract. Although there has been considerable research on the changing politics of women in advanced industrial societies, there has been little consistent, cross-national research to identify the sources of these changes. This paper uses closely comparable data collected in 11 countries in the early 1980s to examine gender differences in political alignments. The results show that in 10 of the 11 countries, women are more conservative than men, by differing degrees. The exception is Australia, where women are more leftwing than men. The sources of these gender differences are shown to be differential levels of workforce participation and religiosity between men and women. Once these and other factors are taken into account through multivariate analysis, women follow the Australian pattern and emerge as more leftwing than men in six of the 10 countries. In the remaining four countries, greater female conservatism is substantially reduced once these factors are taken into account. Various explanations to account for these patterns are discussed. 相似文献
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According to the literature, governments have strong incentives to use the public budget tactically in order to either obtain the electoral support of new voters or strengthen the loyalty of their traditional supporters. Yet vote‐seeking strategies only become rational when voters follow their self‐interest and reward governments when their constituency benefits from public transfers. The literature has focused on the governments' incentives, largely ignoring the importance of knowing whether the electorate is responsive to public investments. This study tests empirically whether incumbents strategically use public investments to gather more electoral support; and whether voters take these investments into account at the polls. These two questions are pursued simultaneously by using as a case study the expansion of the underground network in Madrid, Spain. Only a little evidence is found to support the idea that regional governments constructed new metro stations in neighbourhoods where they had more to gain electorally. Also, the inauguration timing strictly followed the electoral cycle, something that indicates a strategic calculus on the part of the incumbent. However, the models are also consistent with the idea that the government's investments were primarily driven by motives of efficiency. Indeed, although governments are tempted to follow vote‐seeking strategies, they are also aware that they cannot deviate too much from an efficiency‐based allocation of public resources. From the perspective of the voters, robust evidence has been found to show that regional voters rewarded this policy at the neighbourhood level. Neighbourhoods that received new metro stations voted in higher numbers for the incumbent than those quarters without new investments. All in all, these findings may have some implications for normative democratic theory. 相似文献
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LIESBET HOOGHE RYAN BAKKER ANNA BRIGEVICH CATHERINE DE VRIES ERICA EDWARDS GARY MARKS JAN ROVNY MARCO STEENBERGEN MILADA VACHUDOVA 《European Journal of Political Research》2010,49(5):687-703
This research note reports on the 2002 and 2006 Chapel Hill expert surveys (CHES), which measure national party positioning on European integration, ideology, and several European Union (EU) and non‐EU policies. The reliability of expert judgments is examined and the CHES data are cross‐validated with data from the Comparative Manifesto Project, the 2003 Benoit‐Laver expert survey and the 2002 Rohrschneider‐Whitefield survey. The dataset is available on the CHES website. 相似文献