首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   453篇
  免费   38篇
各国政治   29篇
工人农民   40篇
世界政治   66篇
外交国际关系   27篇
法律   200篇
中国政治   8篇
政治理论   115篇
综合类   6篇
  2023年   3篇
  2022年   2篇
  2021年   3篇
  2020年   11篇
  2019年   6篇
  2018年   18篇
  2017年   35篇
  2016年   23篇
  2015年   19篇
  2014年   18篇
  2013年   73篇
  2012年   9篇
  2011年   9篇
  2010年   15篇
  2009年   12篇
  2008年   17篇
  2007年   8篇
  2006年   20篇
  2005年   11篇
  2004年   10篇
  2003年   14篇
  2002年   9篇
  2001年   6篇
  2000年   9篇
  1999年   10篇
  1998年   12篇
  1997年   8篇
  1996年   6篇
  1995年   10篇
  1994年   9篇
  1993年   8篇
  1992年   10篇
  1991年   8篇
  1990年   7篇
  1989年   2篇
  1988年   2篇
  1987年   8篇
  1985年   3篇
  1984年   3篇
  1979年   6篇
  1976年   2篇
  1975年   1篇
  1974年   1篇
  1973年   1篇
  1971年   1篇
  1970年   2篇
  1969年   1篇
  1968年   2篇
  1956年   2篇
  1955年   1篇
排序方式: 共有491条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
61.
62.
63.
64.
Much research in the field of public management is distinguished by its rejection of the politics-administration dichotomy and its emphasis on the public manager's responsibility for political management. By rejecting the dichotomy, however, scholars in public management have reopened debate over an old question: Why is it right for public managers to exercise political power in the policymaking process? It is argued that the dichotomy served as a rhetorical strategy for allaying public concern about bureaucratic power, and that public management scholars must now invent a new strategy to take its place. This article evaluates one strategy, proposed by Moore and Reich, which is premised on the idea that managers may legitimize the exercise of discretion by showing it to be consistent with a mandate that is produced through a fair process of deliberation. It is argued that the new strategy may overestimate the ability to build mandates, the ability to build deliberative processes that are manifestly fair, and the willingness of dissentient citizens to defer to such mandates. The new strategy will also bind public managers to a demonstration of neutrality not unlike that imposed by the politics-administration dichotomy.  相似文献   
65.
66.
Prostitute women have the highest homicide victimization rate of any set of women ever studied. We analyzed nine diverse homicide data sets to examine the extent, trends, and perpetrators of prostitution-related homicide in the United States. Most data sources substantially under-ascertained prostitute homicides. As estimated from a conservative capture-recapture analysis, 2.7% of female homicide victims in the United States between 1982 and 2000 were prostitutes. Frequencies of recorded prostitute and client homicides increased substantially in the late 1980s and early 1990s; nearly all of the few observed pimp homicides occurred before the late 1980s. These trends may be linked to the rise of crack cocaine use. Prostitutes were killed primarily by clients, clients were killed mainly by prostitutes, and pimps were killed predominantly by pimps. Another conservative estimate suggests that serial killers accounted for 35% of prostitute homicides. Proactive surveillance of, and evidence collection from, clients and prostitutes might enhance the investigation of prostitution-related homicide.  相似文献   
67.
Conclusion Thus, there is a compelling policy argument as well as a suggestive constitutional argument that the practice of selling parental rights in general, and in particular the practice of commercial surrogacy, should not be permitted. These arguments favor the approach adopted in New York State as opposed to any more latitudinarian approach that would permit commercial surrogacy. Clearly, if the payment of money in exchange for parental rights should be prohibited, then we have a strong basis on which to reject the intentionalist theory, along with any other theory tht would link the parentage of a child with the payment of money. This conclusion is in no way undermined by the various arguments recited in part V above that favor the intentionalist theory since, as we have seen, these arguments are flawed.The author wishes to thank Gareth Matthews, Alan F. McMichael and John A. Robertson for their extremely valuable comments on earlier drafts of this article and to thank Sharon Rogers for her exceptional and unstinting editorial assistance.  相似文献   
68.
69.
Sex determination is a necessary step in the investigation of unidentified human remains from a forensic context. Teeth, as one of the strongest tissues in the human body, can be used for this purpose. Most studies of sexual dimorphism in teeth are based on the traditional mesiodistal and buccolingual crown measurements. The purpose of this study is to examine the degree of sexual dimorphism in permanent molars of modern Greeks using crown and cervical diagonal diameters, and to evaluate their applicability in sex determination. A total of 344 permanent molars in 107 individuals (53 male and 54 female) from the Athens Collection were examined. Crown and cervical diagonal diameters of both maxillary and mandibular molars were measured. It was found that males have larger molars than females and in 19 out of 24 dimensions measured male molars exceeded female molars significantly (P<0.05). The most dimorphic molars are the maxillary second molar, and the mandibular second and first molars. Although other molars were also sexually dimorphic they did not have a statistically significant difference in all dimensions. Cervical diagonal diameters have found to be more sexually diamorphic than crown diagonal diameters. In discriminant function analysis the variables entered more frequently were the cervical diagonal diameters mainly of mandibular molars. Classification accuracy was found to be 93% for the total sample, 77.4% for upper jaw, and 88.4% for the lower jaw. Accuracy rates were higher for cervical than crown diagonal diameters. The data generated from the present study suggest that this metric method can be useful and reliable for sex determination, especially when the traditional dental measurements are not applicable.  相似文献   
70.
The over-representation of black children in US out of home care results from racial bias in placement decisions and a political choice to address startling rates of child poverty by investigating parents instead of tackling poverty's societal roots. The impact of state disruption and supervision of African American families is intensified when it is concentrated in inner-city neighbourhoods – the system's ‘racial geography.’ A small case study of a black neighbourhood in Chicago with high rates of out of home placement found profound effects on both family and community social relationships, as well as reliance on child protective services for financial assistance, linking surveillance of black families to the neoliberal shrinking of public programmes. The surveillance of African American women by the child welfare system is also intensified by these women's disproportionate involvement in the prison system. Acknowledging racial bias in child welfare reveals the need to radically transform the system from one that relies too much on punitive disruption of families to one that generously supports them.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号