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Alasdair Roberts 《Journal of policy analysis and management》1995,14(2):291-307
Much research in the field of public management is distinguished by its rejection of the politics-administration dichotomy and its emphasis on the public manager's responsibility for political management. By rejecting the dichotomy, however, scholars in public management have reopened debate over an old question: Why is it right for public managers to exercise political power in the policymaking process? It is argued that the dichotomy served as a rhetorical strategy for allaying public concern about bureaucratic power, and that public management scholars must now invent a new strategy to take its place. This article evaluates one strategy, proposed by Moore and Reich, which is premised on the idea that managers may legitimize the exercise of discretion by showing it to be consistent with a mandate that is produced through a fair process of deliberation. It is argued that the new strategy may overestimate the ability to build mandates, the ability to build deliberative processes that are manifestly fair, and the willingness of dissentient citizens to defer to such mandates. The new strategy will also bind public managers to a demonstration of neutrality not unlike that imposed by the politics-administration dichotomy. 相似文献
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Extent, trends, and perpetrators of prostitution-related homicide in the United States 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Brewer DD Dudek JA Potterat JJ Muth SQ Roberts JM Woodhouse DE 《Journal of forensic sciences》2006,51(5):1101-1108
Prostitute women have the highest homicide victimization rate of any set of women ever studied. We analyzed nine diverse homicide data sets to examine the extent, trends, and perpetrators of prostitution-related homicide in the United States. Most data sources substantially under-ascertained prostitute homicides. As estimated from a conservative capture-recapture analysis, 2.7% of female homicide victims in the United States between 1982 and 2000 were prostitutes. Frequencies of recorded prostitute and client homicides increased substantially in the late 1980s and early 1990s; nearly all of the few observed pimp homicides occurred before the late 1980s. These trends may be linked to the rise of crack cocaine use. Prostitutes were killed primarily by clients, clients were killed mainly by prostitutes, and pimps were killed predominantly by pimps. Another conservative estimate suggests that serial killers accounted for 35% of prostitute homicides. Proactive surveillance of, and evidence collection from, clients and prostitutes might enhance the investigation of prostitution-related homicide. 相似文献
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Melinda A. Roberts 《Law and Philosophy》1993,12(3):287-317
Conclusion Thus, there is a compelling policy argument as well as a suggestive constitutional argument that the practice of selling parental rights in general, and in particular the practice of commercial surrogacy, should not be permitted. These arguments favor the approach adopted in New York State as opposed to any more latitudinarian approach that would permit commercial surrogacy. Clearly, if the payment of money in exchange for parental rights should be prohibited, then we have a strong basis on which to reject the intentionalist theory, along with any other theory tht would link the parentage of a child with the payment of money. This conclusion is in no way undermined by the various arguments recited in part V above that favor the intentionalist theory since, as we have seen, these arguments are flawed.The author wishes to thank Gareth Matthews, Alan F. McMichael and John A. Robertson for their extremely valuable comments on earlier drafts of this article and to thank Sharon Rogers for her exceptional and unstinting editorial assistance. 相似文献
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Alasdair Roberts 《Public administration review》2012,72(5):754-762
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Sex determination is a necessary step in the investigation of unidentified human remains from a forensic context. Teeth, as one of the strongest tissues in the human body, can be used for this purpose. Most studies of sexual dimorphism in teeth are based on the traditional mesiodistal and buccolingual crown measurements. The purpose of this study is to examine the degree of sexual dimorphism in permanent molars of modern Greeks using crown and cervical diagonal diameters, and to evaluate their applicability in sex determination. A total of 344 permanent molars in 107 individuals (53 male and 54 female) from the Athens Collection were examined. Crown and cervical diagonal diameters of both maxillary and mandibular molars were measured. It was found that males have larger molars than females and in 19 out of 24 dimensions measured male molars exceeded female molars significantly (P<0.05). The most dimorphic molars are the maxillary second molar, and the mandibular second and first molars. Although other molars were also sexually dimorphic they did not have a statistically significant difference in all dimensions. Cervical diagonal diameters have found to be more sexually diamorphic than crown diagonal diameters. In discriminant function analysis the variables entered more frequently were the cervical diagonal diameters mainly of mandibular molars. Classification accuracy was found to be 93% for the total sample, 77.4% for upper jaw, and 88.4% for the lower jaw. Accuracy rates were higher for cervical than crown diagonal diameters. The data generated from the present study suggest that this metric method can be useful and reliable for sex determination, especially when the traditional dental measurements are not applicable. 相似文献
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Dorothy E. Roberts 《社会福利与家庭法律杂志》2014,36(4):426-437
The over-representation of black children in US out of home care results from racial bias in placement decisions and a political choice to address startling rates of child poverty by investigating parents instead of tackling poverty's societal roots. The impact of state disruption and supervision of African American families is intensified when it is concentrated in inner-city neighbourhoods – the system's ‘racial geography.’ A small case study of a black neighbourhood in Chicago with high rates of out of home placement found profound effects on both family and community social relationships, as well as reliance on child protective services for financial assistance, linking surveillance of black families to the neoliberal shrinking of public programmes. The surveillance of African American women by the child welfare system is also intensified by these women's disproportionate involvement in the prison system. Acknowledging racial bias in child welfare reveals the need to radically transform the system from one that relies too much on punitive disruption of families to one that generously supports them. 相似文献