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281.
282.
Albert Somit 《Society》1978,15(3):29-30
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283.
284.
Michael Schmid’s criticism of Max Weber’s methodology is both the background and touchstone for a rational reconstruction of Webers doctrine of the idealtypes. In my view, idealtypes are non-falsifiable, idealised theoretical models of a non-statement type of view. This recent approach in the philosophy of science distinguishes between theoretical models on the one hand and theoretical hypotheses on the other. I argue that only the application of these models attains the character of hypotheses. In Weber we find a three step conception of explanation, which encompasses social rules and idealtypes on both the micro and the macro level. The ultimate aim of Weber’s sociology is a macro-socially induced formulation of social species (Arten). They allow a categorisation of the social rules, which are explained through types of action and by means of idealtypes on the macro-level, which serve the function of a theoretical unification. For Weber, macrophenomena allow for a species-realistic interpretation. This realism of social species states an ontological order of empirical reality. Objective truth then means the correct registration of the taxonomical order of social reality and the classification of historical phenomena in this taxonomical order. Weber is an ontological individualist, but, contrary to dominant opinion, a methodological holist.  相似文献   
285.
Surveys that rate how persons enrolled in HMOs and other types of health coverage feel about their health care are used to bolster claims that HMOs provide inferior quality care, providing justification for patient protection legislation. This research illustrates that the conventional wisdom regarding inferior care in HMOs may color how people assess their health care in surveys, resulting in survey findings biased toward showing HMOs provide inferior care and reinforcing existing stereotypes. Using merged data from the Community Tracking Study Household and Insurance Followback surveys, we identify privately insured persons who correctly and incorrectly know what kind of health plan they are covered by. Nearly a quarter misidentified their type of health coverage. Differences between responses by HMO and non-HMO enrollees to questions covering satisfaction with health care and physician choice, the quality of the last physician's visit, and patient trust in their physician shrink or disappear when we control for beliefs about what type of plan they are covered by. Results suggest that researchers and policy makers should be cautious about using consumer surveys to assess the relative quality of care provided under different types of health insurance.  相似文献   
286.
A product of science, religion, and national culture, cosmism is reflected in academic and popular views about our place in the universe, space exploration, and human destiny. Although linked historically to the Russians, cosmism captures many aspects of American thinking about space. The present comparison shows that prophets, prophecies, striving for perfection, utopian visions, and hopes for salvation are evident in both Russian and American thought, but that there are also differences. Geert Hofstede's cross–cultural research on national values—power distance, individualism, masculinity, and uncertainty avoidance—is useful for understanding Russian–American differences. Russian acceptance of power inequalities, collectivism, concern for group welfare, and aversion to uncertainty lead to constellations of beliefs and emotions about spaceflight that differ from those bred by American egalitarianism, individualism, obsession with personal achievement, and acceptance of uncertainty. Both Russian and American thinking include occult and paranormal phenomena, but Americans have been more reluctant to assimilate such influences within mainstream science. As a concept, American cosmism captures the occasional blurring of the lines between religion and science in discussions of humanity's place in the universe and future in space.  相似文献   
287.
In this paper we study the political economy of the inter-regional allocation of investment in infrastructure, in an effort to disentangle tactical and programmatic motives, where tactical politics refers to the discretionary allocation of investment to districts with more ‘political clout’ and programmatic politics refers to the allocation of investment according to certain ‘objective’ criteria (e.g., income level). We use a panel of data from the Spanish electoral districts for the period 1964–2004 to estimate an equation in which investment depends both on economic and political variables. The results show that tactical politics do matter since the districts receiving the most funds are those in which: (i) the incumbent’s vote margin is low, (ii) few votes are needed to win an additional seat in the legislature, (iii) the central and regional governments are controlled by the same party, and (iv) regional parties play a pivotal role in the legislature. However, the results also show that programmatic politics matter, since inter-regional redistribution is shown to increase: (i) with the arrival of democracy and European Union funds, (ii) under leftist governments, and (iii) the weaker the correlation is between ‘political clout’ and regional income.  相似文献   
288.
According to Gamson’s Law, the allocation of cabinet portfolios in parliamentary democracies is proportional to the legislative seat shares of the governing parties. However, portfolio allocation departs systematically from perfect proportionality. This paper proposes a theory of portfolio allocation that seeks to explain the variance in proportionality across different bargaining situations. It argues that the degree to which the coalition formation process is characterised by uncertainty and complexity influences portfolio allocation. In uncertain and complex bargaining situations, parties that otherwise would be in an advantageous bargaining position will have a difficult time exploiting their bargaining advantage. As a result, portfolio allocation in such circumstances will be closer to proportionality. These patterns are observed in data on coalition formation in 14 West European parliamentary systems in the period 1945–1999.  相似文献   
289.
Abstract

The emergence of the modern corporation occurs at the same time as that of the modern state and liberal governmentality, although its role in the development of ‘bio-power’ has not been carefully examined. This article examines the royal use of corporations to manage the poor through work creation schemes and hence effect a capitalist transformation of the eastern Netherlands; specifically, the creation of the Dutch textile industry. These work creation schemes drew on the cameralistic ‘police sciences’ that Foucault cites in his genealogy of bio-power. This article traces the means by which cameralistic disciplinary techniques for the control of paupers were adopted by entrepreneurs who replaced Willem I, the ‘merchant-king’ as the ‘visible hand of the market’. It highlights the origins of managerialism in ‘social’ not ‘political economy’.  相似文献   
290.
Epiphyseal union stages for cervical vertebral centra (ring epiphyses) were documented for 55 individuals (females and males, ages 14–27 years) from the Terry Collection, using the Albert and Maples method 1, to examine both its relationship to age at death and to thoracic data collected from the same individuals using the same method. Results showed a moderate correlation between cervical ring union and age (r = 0.63, p = 0.000), and a fairly low correlation between cervical and thoracic ring union (r = 0.41, p = 0.002). Paired samples t‐tests yielded a statistically significant difference between cervical and thoracic union mean values (p = 0.01). Union progressed earlier in cervical vertebrae and in females. Results indicated fairly substantial variation in both sexes. Findings may serve as a basic guideline for estimating a general age range at death for unknown skeletal remains and to corroborate findings from other skeletal age indicators.  相似文献   
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