Revisiting Informal Justice: Restorative Justice and Democratic Professionalism

Restorative justice is a form of informal justice growing rapidly among criminal justice practitioners. It decenters the focus of criminal justice from the offender breaking a law of the state to the harm caused the victim and community. Resolution is said to come from offenders taking responsibility and making amends for the harm done and from communities supporting the victim and providing offenders with opportunities and skills to reintegrate as contributing members.
Restorative justice theory largely ignores the role of professionals in the criminal justice process, and yet professionals have played a dominant part in initiating many restorative justice programs. Several theoretical traditions recognize professionals as being important intermediaries between citizens and the state. The theory of democratic professionalism argues that professionals can play crucial roles in increasing and improving democratic participation in public affairs. This article examines two functioning restorative justice programs to flesh out what democratic professionalism might look like in operation—what tasks professionals perform and what citizen involvement means to the professionals. We argue that restorative justice cannot get along without professionals and that democratic professionalism may help restorative justice to avoid some of the problems associated with other approaches to informal justice by increasing true community participation but balancing it with concern for individuals' rights.     

Exceptional giftedness in early adolescence and intrafamilial divergent thinking

Two groups of boys and their parents (N=54) were given five divergent thinking tests as one part of a longitudinal investigation on exceptional giftedness in early adolescence. One groups of adolescents was selected because their IQs were above 150, and the other group, was selected because of their outstanding math-science abilities. Canonical and bivariate analyses indicated that there was a strong correlation between the adolescents' divergent thinking test scores and their parents' divergent thinking test scores (Rc=.55). Additionally, there was some indication that these correlations differed in the two exceptionally gifted groups, with the high-IQ group having divergent thinking test scores related to those of both parents, and the math-science group having divergent thinking test scores related only to those of their mothers. These findings are very consistent with earlier investigations on exceptionally gifted adolescents.This research was supported by a grant to M.A.R. from the University Research Council of the University of Hawaii, and by grants to R.S.A. from the Robert Sterling Clark Foundation and the MacArthur Foundation.Received Ph.D. from Claremont Graduate School. Research interests include creative, gifted, and autistic children, and psychometrics.Received Ph.D. from Boston University. Research interests include child development, long-term family involvement, giftedness, and the achievement of eminence.     

Privatization,bureaucracy, and risk aversion

The role of governmental risk aversion in the decision to privatize the production of goods and services has not been examined closely. Using a model of a risk-averse, single-service Niskanen bureaucrat, we determine the conditions under which a bureaucrat will prefer to privatize rather than produce in-house. If the private-sector firm is risk neutral, the result will be a fixed-fee contract with complete insurance. If the private-sector firm is risk averse, the result will be a cost-plus contract with the degree of cost sharing determined by the bureaucrat's share of total risk aversion. In both cases, the bureaucrat's sponsor may affect the likelihood of privatization by manipulating the rewards and penalties imposed on the bureaucrat.     

Small-scale administration in St Martin: Two governments of one people

Divided between France and Holland since 1648, the small island community of St Martin has grown and prospered in recent decades largely because of tourism. France which incorporates its part, Saint Martin, as a municipality in the Department of Guadeloupe has been generous with public funds and tax concessions to those who invest in the dependency. The Kingdom of the Netherlands, the governments of its constituent parts (Holland and the Netherlands Antilles), has been more generous with authority than with money. So Dutch Sint Maarten has enjoyed much greater political and administrative autonomy than its northern neighbour, but it has to depend on investment from private interests, American and European. Indeed, it has lacked sufficient public capital even for infrastructure and social services, including education. The governments of both sides have neglected joint planning and other coordinated efforts to develop the island. The Dutch side has been committed to laissez-faire private enterprise and so personnel development in the public service has been minimal. This has disposed the government of the French side to limit joint ventures with the Dutch government. The population is large enough and the revenues are high enough to provide adequate numbers of public officials, but tourism has attracted, in the 1970s and 80s, many of the more able and ambitious. These considerations set the two sides of St Martin apart from other West Indian micro-states, most of which have not experienced as much success in developing and maintaining tourism. St Martin is unique in another way. It is different from other English-speaking islands because of its French and Dutch institutions. It is quite different from other French and Dutch islands (Saba and St Eustatius excepted) because of the English language and other cultural influences.