Race,Islamophobia and the politics of citizenship in post-unification Germany

ABSTRACT

In the immediate aftermath of German reunification, as in the wake of the recent humanitarian crisis, Germany experienced notable ‘peaks’ of racist agitation and violence. In the 1990s, as today, the post-Communist eastern regions of Germany tend to be perceived as the hub of such racism. In this article, Lewicki revisits both ‘peaks’ via an examination of numerical evidence for verbal and physical racist violence in the former East and West of Germany. Rather than conceiving of racism as ‘cyclical’ or a specific legacy of the Communist dictatorship, her analysis suggests that political projects in Germany’s past and present have retained distinct structural incarnations of race. Far-right activists could thus successfully channel animosities resulting from the terms of unification into nationalist and racist resentment: momentarily more so in the East, but increasingly also in the West. The politics of citizenship, Lewicki argues, has provided a key means of perpetuating, reaffirming and cementing racialized hierarchies in the two post-war German states, but also in reunified Germany.     

Alan Patten’s theory of equal recognition and its contribution to the debate over multiculturalism

In this introduction, we first give a brief overview of the debate over multiculturalism in political theory. We then situate Alan Patten’s Equal Recognition in that context by highlighting his major normative thesis, according to which there are reasons of principle, in a liberal democracy, to grant special forms of public recognition and accommodation to cultural minorities. Finally, we present a succinct summary of the nine articles that follow this introduction and that critically engage with Patten’s arguments.     

Normative political theory,democratic politics and minority rights

In Equal Recognition, Alan Patten argues that in a proper relationship between normative political theory and democratic politics, we must make a clear distinction between two questions related to cultural rights: (a) authority (who should decide?) and (b) the substance of deliberation. The question he wants to explore, however, is not the authority question but the substantive question. The aim of this article is to show that an account of equal recognition cannot bracket out the democratic element. It argues, first, that Equal Recognition does not live up to its initial promise, as it contains a number of reflections and recommendations (on language rights, on secession, on the rights of migrants’ cultures) that either explicitly or implicitly include the democratic element. Second, it points at other important areas of political decision-making – such as electoral system design, districting, referendums, quotas – in which it is quite clear that in order to extend equal recognition to minority cultures, we are obliged to take decisions related to the design of democratic institutions.     

Back to the future,forward to the past: Croatian politics of memory in the European Parliament

This paper discusses the way in which a post-conflict European Union (EU) member immediately after accession both shapes and adapts to EU memory politics as a part of its Europeanization process. I will analyze how the country responds to the top-down pressures of Europeanization in the domestic politics of memory by making proactive attempts at exporting its own politics of memory (discourses, policies, and practices) to the EU level. Drawing evidence from Croatian EU accession, I will consider how Croatian members of the European Parliament “upload” domestic memory politics to the EU level, particularly to the European Parliament. Based on the analysis of elite interviews, discourses, parliamentary duties, agenda-setting, and decision-making of Croatian MEPs from 2013 to 2016, I argue that the parliament serves both as a locus for confirmation of European identity through promotion of countries’ EU memory credentials and as a new forum for affirmation of national identity. The preservation of the “Homeland War” narrative (1991–1995) and of the “sacredness” of Vukovar as a European lieu de mémoire clearly influences the decision-making of Croatian MEPs, motivating inter-group support for policy building and remembrance practices that bridge domestic political differences.     

Unattainable past,unsatisfying present – Yugonostalgia: an omen of a better future?

Nostalgia for the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, yugonostalgia, has become widespread throughout the former Yugoslavia. It takes various forms and expressions, but it represents a selective and largely embellished remembrance, influenced by the need of those who engage in it to escape from the unsatisfying present they live in. In most cases, yugonostalgia is a bittersweet craving for the past – passive, static, and restricted. The paper argues that the actions inspired by yugonostalgia not only can have an active, dynamic, and progressive face, but can also serve as an important factor in the reconciliation process among former Yugoslavs. With its focus on positive and inclusive aspects of the common socialist past, yugonostalgia has the potential to (re)connect the nostalgic subjects throughout the former Yugoslav space, helping them to overcome the alienation that resulted from the violent dissolution of the common state.     

Discriminant function sexing of fragmentary and complete tibiae from medieval Croatian sites

Previous studies have demonstrated that populations differ from each other in size and proportion and that these differences can affect metric assessment of sex. This paper establishes standards for determining sex from fragmentary and complete tibiae in the medieval Croatian population. The sample is composed of 180 tibiae (96 males and 84 females) from six medieval archaeological sites in Croatia. Three of the sites were located in continental Croatia, three on the eastern Adriatic coast and its immediate hinterland. Six tibial dimensions were measured: (1) length of the tibia; (2) maximum epiphyseal breadth of the proximal tibia; (3) maximum epiphyseal breadth of the distal tibia; (4) maximum diameter of the tibia at the nutritient foramen; (5) transverse diameter of the tibia at the nutritient foramen; and (6) circumference of the tibia at the nutritient foramen. Unifactorial and multifactorial analyses were performed on the collected data. Six discriminant functions were generated, one using six variables, two using two variables, and three employing one variable. Results show that complete tibiae can be sexed with 92.2% accuracy. Slightly lower accuracies (91.7 and 87.8%) were achieved using a combination of two variables, while functions employing one variable were accurate from 85.6 to 81.7%. The results of this study show that the medieval Croatian tibia is a good skeletal component for determining sex. Standardized coefficients of the discriminant functions generated in this study support the results of previous studies that found that breadth dimensions provide better separation of the sexes than length.     

The reliability of sex determination of skeletons from forensic context in the Balkans

In this study we have tested the applicability of morphological methods for sex assessment, based on seven pelvic and nine cranial traits, using contemporary Balkans population. The material involved in the study comprises 262 pelvic bones and 180 skulls of male individuals from two mass graves in Serbia. The material was examined separately by an experienced and an inexperienced physical anthropologists. Sex was correctly estimated by the experienced anthropologist in 100% of individuals using all of the 16 pelvic and cranial criteria. In fact, sex differences in pelvic morphology were large enough to allow sexing the individuals with 100% accuracy. Among seven features observed on the pelvic bones, the least reliable single sex indicator was the width of the great sciatic notch (with accuracy of 79.15%). Looking at the skull alone, sex was correctly determined in 70.56% cases. It was shown that the most accurate single indicators among cranial methods was the robustness of the mandible (with accuracy of 70.93%), while the sharpness of the supraorbital margins was the least reliable indicator demonstrating accuracy in only 28.75% of crania. Examination of the sample by an individual with training in physical anthropology, but no case experience, suggests that experience is likely to contribute moderately to the accuracy of the sex determination. Namely, the inexperienced anthropologist accurately assessed the sex of the sample 95.04% of the time; 4.06% less accurate than the experienced anthropologist. The two anthropologists showed the least agreement in scoring the ventral arc and composite arc on the pelvic bones.