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991.
This paper uses the famous events related to Pussy Riot as a natural experiment to examine the effect of alternative media on church membership. A difference-in-differences strategy is used to explore the effect in question. The hypothesis is that, given a lack of religious background in the majority of the population and strong temporary interest in religious issues promoted by a particular provocative event, mass media substantially affect religious choice. To check if this is the case, I compare the dynamics of religious choice of those exposed to alternative media reports on church topics and the rest of the population. As a proxy of familiarity with an alternative view, I use a dummy variable for using the Internet to obtain news. The main finding is that, during the experiment run over the year 2012, the growth of self-reported Orthodox believers was significantly lower in the treatment group than in the control group. Exposure to alternative media coverage turned out to heavily affect religious choice.  相似文献   
992.
Many comparative scholars classify personalist regimes as a distinct category of nondemocratic rule. To measure the process of regime personalization, and to distinguish such a process from overall authoritarian reversal, is difficult in comparative context. Using the Russian political regime in 1999–2014 as a case study, we examine the dynamics of regime personalization over time. Relying on original data on patron–client networks and expert surveys assessing the policy influence of the key members of the ruling coalition, we argue that having more clients, or clients who are more powerful, increases the power of patrons – and that where the patron is the ruler, the resulting measure is an indication of the level of personalization of the regime. We trace regime personalization from the changes in political influence of the president's associates in his patron–client network versus that of other elite patron–client networks. We find that as early as 2004, the Russian regime can be regarded as personalist, and is strongly so from 2006 onward.  相似文献   
993.
This article focuses on the efforts of power holders – at the executive or the legislative level – to influence or curb court activity informally or extra-legally, an acknowledged but under-researched topic in studies of judicial politics. We first define informal judicial interference and operationalize the concept; we then explain how we collected information on the topic through systematic cross-country interviewing. Our concept focuses on judicial intervention actions exercised by political actors once judges are on the bench. We distinguish these actions according to type – direct or subtle – and further differentiate each type according to six different modes. We provide new empirical data on informal interference in six third-wave democracies, three in Africa (Benin, Madagascar, and Senegal) and three in Latin America (Argentina, Chile, and Paraguay). Our empirical findings, first, confirm the importance of informal practices in shaping political-judicial relations. Second, they point to long-standing legacies and to the level of socio-economic development as possible explanations for different performances in terms of the prevalence and severity of informal interference in the judiciary in these newly established democratic regimes  相似文献   
994.
Social media have increasingly been recognized as an important and effective tool for advocacy. A growing body of research examines the use of social media in grassroots and social movements as well as issues related to civic engagement, social capital, and voter turnout. The extent to which organized interest groups have adopted social media as an advocacy tool, however, has been relatively ignored. This article examines the determinants of the use of social media tools by a broad range of interest organizations. We argue that social media use needs to be understood as part of an interest organization’s larger set of news media lobbying strategies. We explain social media use as a function of two factors: first, the importance organizations place on trying to shape lobbying debates through the news media; second, the importance they place on shaping their public image via the news media. We test this argument using a unique data set of interest group advocacy in the European Union. Controlling for a host of competing explanations, regression results provide evidence supporting our central argument.  相似文献   
995.
The aim of this study is to carry out an economic analysis of the consequences that arose following the decriminalization of the issuance of bad checks in Turkey. In our statistical analysis we examined the legal situation of bouncing checks in three periods: before 2009 when the issuance of bad checks was subject to imprisonment, between 2009 and 2012 when a partial decriminalization took place and between 2012 and 2014 when the issuance of bouncing checks was fully decriminalized and penalties were reduced to only administrative fines. We test the hypotheses that partial or full decriminalization led to a rise in the number of bad checks in Turkey. We find that there is no statistical evidence for an association between the first, modest step of the decriminalization process (Law No. 5941) and the frequency with which checks bounced in Turkey. However, full decriminalization of bouncing checks (Law No. 6273) led to an increase in the frequency of bad checks. We also find that the establishment of a Risk Center by the Bank Association of Turkey helped to identify customers not worthy of credit and was successful in decreasing the frequency of bad checks. We conclude that in the case of Turkish check law imprisonment was more effective in deterring writers of bad checks than the administrative and civil sanctions that are now in place. Nonetheless, private credit screening efforts also promoted the targeted policy goal of limiting the number of bad checks in Turkey.  相似文献   
996.
The Government Performance and Results Act (GPRA) of 1993 provided a well‐studied framework for U.S. federal performance management initiatives. In the aftermath of the update of GPRA in 2010 with the GPRA Modernization Act, the authors offer the first systematic scholarly assessment of the new legislation. Managerial use of performance data was an explicit goal of the Modernization Act, an objective that eluded prior federal reforms. The Modernization Act established a new series of performance routines to encourage performance information use. The analysis shows that as federal managers experience those routines, they are more likely to report using performance data to make decisions. Specifically, routines centered on the pursuit of cross‐agency priority goals, the prioritization of a small number of agency goals, and data‐driven reviews are all associated with higher rates of performance information use. The authors also find that managers in better‐run data‐driven reviews report greater use of performance data.  相似文献   
997.
998.
Drawing forensic conclusions from an image or a video is known as “photographic content analysis.” It involves the analysis of an image, as well as objects, actions, and events depicted in images or video. In recent years, photographic depictions of objects suspected as illegal firearms have substantially increased, appearing on CCTV surveillance footage, captured by mobile phones and shared on social media. However, the law in Israel states that a person can be charged with illegally possessing a firearm only if it can be proven that the object is capable of shooting with lethal bullet energy. This becomes more challenging in cases where the firearm was not physically seized, and the evidence exclusively consists of images and video. In this study, photographic content analysis was applied to images and video where objects suspected as commercial or improvised firearms had been depicted. An image and event sequence reconstruction video databases of both firearms and replicas were created in order to better define firearm-specific functional morphological features. We demonstrate that it is possible to classify an object as a firearm by analyzing the functional, and not only the esthetic, morphology in images and video. It is also shown that event sequence reconstruction in video may be used to infer that an object suspected as a firearm has the capacity to shoot by confirming the occurrence of a shooting act or shooting process. Thus, photographic content analysis may be used to forensically establish that an object depicted in an image or a video is a firearm by ruling out other known scenarios, and without physically seizing it.  相似文献   
999.
The benzylation of three low molecular weight N,N-disubstituted ethanolamines related to chemical warfare agents (CWAs) to furnish derivatives with improved gas chromatography-mass spectrometry (GC-MS) profiles is described. Due to their low molecular weight and polar nature, N,N-disubstituted ethanolamines are notoriously difficult to detect by routine GC-MS analyses during Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) proficiency tests (PTs), particularly in scenarios when they are present at low levels (~1–10 ppm) amidst more abundant interferences. Our studies revealed that the optimal derivatization conditions involved the treatment of the ethanolamine with benzyl bromide in the presence of an inorganic base (e.g., Na2CO3) in dichloromethane at 55°C for 2 h. This optimized set of conditions was then successfully applied to the derivatization of N,N-dimethylethanolamine, N,N-diethylethanolamine and N,N-diisopropylethanolamine present separately at 1 and 10 μg/mL concentrations in a glycerol-rich matrix sample featured in the 48th OPCW PT. The benzylated derivatives of the three ethanolamines possessed retention times long enough to clear the massive glycerol-containing matrix interferences. The protocol herein is introduced as an alternative method for derivatization of these CWA and pharmaceutically important species and should find broad applicability in laboratories where routine forensic analysis is carried out.  相似文献   
1000.
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