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11.
The aim of the paper is to go beyond the commonly accepted view of Sarajevo’s Plavi orkestar (The Blue Orchestra) as the 1980s “teen pop-rock sensation” and illuminate the less conspicuous, but nevertheless crucial, political dimension of the band’s music and visual aesthetics. This will be done by discussing several “pieces of the puzzle” essential to understanding the background to and motivations behind Plavi orkestar’s political engagement in the second half of the 1980s: (1) the “Sarajevo factor;” (2) the Sarajevo Pop-rock School and the New Primitives “poetics of the local;” (3) the generational Yugoslavism; (4) the New Partisans “poetics of the patriotic;” and (5) the post-New Partisans “hippie ethos.” The concluding section of the paper will reflect on Plavi orkestar’s resurgence in 1998 and explore the question of the band’s continuing resonance within the post-Yugoslav and post-socialist contexts. An argument underlying the discussion of all of these elements is that Plavi orkestar’s Yugoslavism of the 1980s is best understood as a soundtrack for the country that never was (i.e. a popular-cultural expression of what, from the viewpoint of a particular generational cohort and its location in the “Yugoslav socialist universe,” the community they thought of as their own ought to have been but never really was), and that the current value of this soundtrack lies in offering not only a particular window into the pre-post-socialist past but also in being a symbolic referent for a certain kind of retrospective utopia that gauges the realities of the post-socialist – that is, neo-liberal capitalist – present and, in so doing, figures as a “normative compass” for the life of dignified existence.  相似文献   
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This article contributes to debates about the break-up of Yugoslavia by focusing on Serbia’s ‘anti-bureaucratic revolution’, a large protest wave that occurred in 1988. Unlike most discussions which focus on elite involvement, this article emphasises the wider cultural resonance of anti-bureaucratic populism. More generally, this article shows that populism can be strengthened if it is coupled with producerism, that is, a discourse that divides society into productive and parasitic groups. Around 800 political cartoons from three Serbian newspapers are analysed. The common theme that emerges is the opposition of the blue-collar worker to the parasitic political functionary.  相似文献   
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The authors proceed from the assumption that the institutional and economic efficiency of a particular country (or society) depends on its historic legacy or ‘path-dependence’, strategic interactions of the elite and the impact of the international environment. Estonia and Slovenia are both – not only economically, but also institutionally – perceived as relatively successful and prominent post-communist countries and new members of the EU. Yet they have developed completely different – in some aspects even diametrically opposite – regulative settings and socio-political arrangements. The main emphasis is on the connection between the dynamics and ideological preferences of political actors and the pace of reforms as well as institutional regulations. One can argue that the political elite in Estonia encouraged the shaping of the state in a direction close to the liberal-market model, whereas Slovenia is closer to the corporatist social welfare-state model. In both cases, some dysfunctional effects are evident that represent a new challenge to the elites and, at the same time, a test of their credibility and competence.  相似文献   
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This paper examines bilateral cooperation between developed countries (home country) and developing countries (host country) to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and to enhance carbon dioxide sinks. With the home-host country pair as the unit of analysis, our logistic regression model examines 158 Activities Implemented Jointly (AIJ) investment projects from 1993 until 2002 across 2541 country-pairs. Because the marginal costs of reducing emissions may be lower in developing countries, the AIJ projects served as a policy laboratory to assess whether such investments might be advantageous to both countries in the event future regimes allowed emission credits from such bilateral projects. Instead of investing in home countries where maximum pollution reductions (or carbon sequestration) might be possible, home countries invest in locations where they can conduct their policy experiments at low transaction costs. Prior trade and aid relationships were used as a proxy. Regarding energy projects, location decisions are driven by home countries’ desire to reduce air pollution that they receive from abroad. Geography – proximity of a host country to a home country – in interaction with host country's coal production, is a very important driver of location decision in AIJ energy sector projects. Location of sequestration projects is impacted by the host country's potential for avoiding deforestation as well as by previous aid and trade patterns between a home and a host country. Proximity is not important in this case.  相似文献   
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In this study we examine responses to the recent expansion of information technology in two rural Minnesota towns. One of these towns took a cooperative approach to technology access, developing a community electronic network, while the other town relied on a more individualistic, entrepreneurial model. The present study examines citizens' attitudes concerning social, political, and technological issues in these two communities, with the goal of uncovering what kinds of attitudes and resources citizens need to have in order to help support and sustain a community electronic network. Structural equation modeling is used to specify the relationships among individuals' economic, political, and social resources, technology ownership and use, and awareness of and support for the community network. Drawing on a theory of social capital, we consider the relative importance of privately- oriented social engagement versus publicly- oriented political engagement in relation to collective outcomes. Our analysis shows that in the town with the broadly- based community electronic network, individuals' political as well as economic resources are linked to knowledge and use of computer resources, whereas in the comparison community, economic stratification alone drives computer access. The implications of these findings for issues of equity, access to technology, and the development of strong community ties are discussed.  相似文献   
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ABSTRACT

This paper provides a comparative analysis of social movements’ characteristics and capacities to struggle against illiberal tendencies and incite political change in Serbia and North Macedonia. First, we discuss the illiberal elements of political regimes in the countries in question, Serbia and North Macedonia. Then, we provide a comprehensive overview of progressive social movements in the two countries, formed and organized as a response to different authoritarian and non-democratic tendencies. Finally, we point to some differences in their organizing, coalition-forging and issue-defining principles, which, we believe, may help to explain the relative success of social movements in North Macedonia in producing relevant political outcomes, compared to the weak political impact of social movements in Serbia. Empirical data were collected during the summer of 2018 through in-depth interviews with members of social movements in North Macedonia and Serbia.  相似文献   
18.
Allele frequencies for eight tetranucleotide short tandem repeat (STR) loci-CSF1PO, TPOX, TH01, F13A01, FESFPS, vWA, F13B, LPL-were obtained from a population sample of 105-122 unrelated individuals born in Transylvania and Banat (Romania).  相似文献   
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2,5-Dimethoxy-4-bromoamphetamine (DOB) is one of the potent hallucinogenic phenylalkylamines, whose ingestion has already caused several deaths reported all over the world. However, there is unsufficient information on DOB properties based on controlled pharmacokinetic studies available. The aim of this study was to clarify the distribution profile of DOB and its phenolic metabolite 2-methoxy-5-hydroxy-4-bromoamphetamine (2M5H4BA) in blood and biological tissues of experimental rats. The rats were administered a 20 mg/kg dose of DOB·HCl by oral ingestion or subcutaneous injection. Plasma and brain, liver and lung tissues were collected at 0.5, 1, 2, 4, 8, 16, and 32 h after dosing (three animals per time point). The samples were prepared by a liquid–liquid extraction procedure and the extracts were assayed by GC–MS. After per oral application, DOB peak plasma level of 320 ng/mL was reached after one-hour post dosing as well as 2M5H4BA peak concentration of 203 ng/mL. A rapid phase of DOB absorption, 2M5H4BA formation and their tissue distribution during the first two hours after application were followed by a slow decrease rate of the elimination process until 32 h. After subcutaneous application, high plasma levels of the unchanged parent drug and relatively reduced formation of its metabolite 2M5H4BA were observed. DOB maximum plasma concentration of 1143 ng/mL was reached after one-hour post application, whereas its metabolite peak level after 8 h was 213 ng/mL. The concentration profiles of both compounds in plasma after per oral and subcutaneous administration revealed the existence of significant first pass effect after per oral administration that significantly affected DOB bioavailability. DOB tissue concentrations exceeded plasma and the highest values were found in the lungs, where drug accumulation occurred with prolonged retention till 32 h after subcutaneous dose. Although the plasma/tissue transfer was more effective for the lipophilic parent drug than for its hydroxylated metabolite 2M5H4BA, the metabolite tissue levels were significant. The hallucinogenic potential of 2M5H4BA appearing in brain remains unclear as nothing is known about its pharmacological activity at present.  相似文献   
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