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151.
The present study extends earlier research on procedural unfairness by assessing subjects' reactions to a procedural change before they learn about the outcome of the changed procedure. Subjects performed a series of four tests. After three tests, the procedure to calculate the test scores was changed into a procedure that was very inaccurate or slightly inaccurate compared to what subjects had experienced until then. The very inaccurate procedure was judged as more unfair as the slightly inaccurate procedure. As predicted, the unfair procedure raised negative affect and motivated subjects to protest. Implications of the results for procedural justice theory are discussed. 相似文献
152.
This study compares how taxpayers and their representatives judge the procedural fairness of tax audits. Taxpayers (N=70) and their representatives (N=70) participated in interviews after the completion of their tax audits and were asked to describe their impressions of the
audit and auditor and to rate how satisfied they were with the treatment and how hard the auditor tried to be fair. The study
compares representatives oriented toward balancing truth and advocating for their client with representatives oriented toward
primarily obtaining the best outcome for their client. Results showed that representatives and taxpayers were equally likely
to mention the dignity and responsiveness of the audit. Representatives, however, were more likely to mention the quality
of the decision, and taxpayers were more likely to infer prejudging than were representatives. Taxpayers and representatives
oriented toward truth viewed the process as less fair than did representatives oriented toward obtaining the best outcome.
Taxpayers and representatives oriented toward truth also viewed the auditor as less cooperative and less objective than did
representatives oriented toward obtaining the best outcome. Representatives and taxpayers, however, generally use the same
concerns to evaluate the fairness of the audit, although they disagreed about where the audit fell on these dimensions. Theoretical
and practical implications of these results are discussed. 相似文献
153.
154.
Graeme Orr 《Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy》2014,17(3):332-349
This paper examines the legal conception of political parties. It does so by unearthing the history and ontology of the common law relating to political parties in international perspective. The flexibility of the unincorporated association, in which parties are understood through the private law of contract as networks of internal rules or agreements, rather than as legal entities, has proven to be a mask. In the common law’s imagination, the ideal party is a ground-up organization animated by its membership. But the law mandates no such thing, and in its statutory and constitutional conception intra-party democracy may be sublimated as parties need be no more than an electoral persona or brand. 相似文献
155.
156.
Allan S 《Journal of law and medicine》2011,19(2):354-376
In the February 2011 report on its inquiry into the past and present practices of donor conception in Australia, the Australian Senate Legal and Constitutional Affairs References Committee called for the introduction of legislation to regulate donor conception in all jurisdictions that do not have it in place "as a matter of priority". It further called for the establishment, "as a matter of priority", of a national register of donors to enable donor-conceived individuals to access identifying information about their donor. The Senate Committee left open the question as to whether the legislation and central register should have retrospective effect. This article focuses upon that question. It shows that arguments concerning the privacy, confidentiality and anonymity of some donors who may wish to remain anonymous are outweighed by the manifest injustice faced by donor-conceived individuals who are denied access to such information, as well as their families and donors who wish to exchange this information, 相似文献
157.
Jacobs AJ 《Annals of health law / Loyola University Chicago, School of Law, Institute for Health Law》2011,20(1):113-49, 7 p preceding 1
Public health laws may mandate drastic limitations on individual liberty, such as forced medication and quarantine. This results in a tension between public health laws and guarantees of liberty such as the Due Process Clauses of the Fifth and Fourteenth Amendments to the United States Constitution. The Supreme Court has resolved this tension in favor of one or the other of these legal principles, depending on the facts and issues involved. Nevertheless, Supreme Court jurisprudence is internally consistent. The Court has applied a level of scrutiny that, while rigorous, is more flexible than strict scrutiny. I denote this as "enhanced public health scrutiny." Applying this scrutiny, the Court will uphold public health legislation if it protects an inchoate class of people who may not yet be identifiable, who will incur a specific disease or injury absent the law, but who will not experience this disease or injury if the law is enforced. If this doctrine were explicit, it would constitute a clear guideline to courts seeking to balance health and liberty concerns. This guideline would be consistent with current case law, and would not impact on law affecting reproductive liberty. 相似文献
158.
In Re an Application by the Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission for Judicial Review, the Supreme Court made unfavourable comments about Northern Irish abortion legislation in a way which showed complete disregard for elements of civil procedure which are a foundation of proper adjudication within the context of respect for democracy. This was but the latest of a number of cases in which the senior judiciary has made unaccountable procedural innovations furthering judicial supremacy in defiance of the sovereignty of Parliament. In addition to Re Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission, two other of these cases, Simmons v. Castle and R (Miller and another) v. The Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union, will be discussed. These cases reveal an effort to create judicial supremacy by means which we are obliged to call surreptitious. 相似文献
159.
160.