能源与东盟经济一体化

2004年的油价上涨使东南亚国家的政策制定者都把注意力聚焦到了该地区越来越依赖石油进口(主要是从中东进口)一事以及更广泛的能源问题上来。位于东京、APEC下属的亚太能源研究中心(APERC)称 ,除了婆罗洲岛上的小国文莱石油较丰富以外 ,东南亚每个国家都会成为纯石油进口国。越来越大的石油赤字表明 ,从东南亚的长期经济发展的角度来讲 ,人们不能再以为能源资源是充足的了。这一点对政府的政策制定有着重要的含义 ,不仅仅是在国内这一层面上 ,而且还是在处理与邻国的双边关系以及东盟各国的多边关系这个层面上。能源问题已经成为东盟努…     

Meaning versus measurement: why do ‘economic’ indicators of poverty still predominate?

It is virtually undisputed that poverty is multi-dimensional. However, ‘economic’ or monetary measures of poverty still maintain a higher status in key development indicators and policy. This article is concerned with the apparent contradiction between the consensus over the meaning of poverty and the choice of methods with which to measure poverty in practice. A brief history of the meaning and measurement of poverty is given, and it is argued that ‘economic’ determinism, while it has gradually retreated from centrality in the meaning of poverty, has continued to dominate the measurement of poverty. This is followed by a section that contrasts the relative merits of ‘economic’ and ‘non-economic’ measures of poverty. The question is posed: why do ‘economic’ measures of poverty still have a higher status than non-economic measures?     

Paradiplomacy of India’s chief ministers

ABSTRACT

Since the mid-1990s, state governments within India’s federal system have taken a greater interest in foreign relations. They have sought indirect influence by lobbying the central government to take account of their preferences and direct influence by seeking investment and making links with international organizations and other national and subnational governments. This article considers how chief ministers engage in parallel diplomacy noting how they draw on regional cultural resources and make connections with a regionally defined diaspora. The article finds that some chief ministers have embraced the role of “chief diplomat,” while others take a more discreet approach to international activity. Comparing the cases of Andhra Pradesh, Kerala, and Tamil Nadu reveals the political logic for expanding, de-emphasizing, or avoiding international engagement.     

The Road to Baghdad: Ideas and Intellectuals in Explanations of the Iraq War

Why did the Bush administration take the United States to war with Iraq in the aftermath of September 11, 2001? The constructivist approach used in this article to answer this question argues that the ideas of a handful of policy intellectuals affected political outcomes in remarkably consequential ways. These ideas shaped administration assessments of every major aspect of the Iraq war, beginning with its necessity and justification. Although the administration's ideational commitments were complex and evolving, four sets of ideas were central to its risk-filled gambit in the Middle East: a belief in the necessity and benevolence of American hegemony, a Manichaean conception of politics, a conviction that regime type is the principal determinant of foreign policy, and great confidence in the efficacy of military force. Taken together, these ideas defined the social purpose of American power, framed threats to the United States, and determined appropriate solutions to core problems. Ideas are not the sole factors setting the course of u.s. foreign policy, but they are essential to explaining an otherwise puzzling administration decision.     

The impact of language differences on metropolitan reform in Montreal

Abstract. Although recent Quebec governments have shown great dedication to local institutional reform, their record with respect to municipal institutions in Montreal is not impressive. This article aims to show that it is Montreal's linguistic make-up which has made the process of metropolitan reform unusually difficult. The existing municipal system of the Island of Montreal was shaped in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, during which time the City of Montreal annexed many poor francophone municipalities and wealthier anglophones established their own municipalities in the west. This arrangement was not threatened until the Drapeau-Saulnier annexation efforts of the early 1960s: lacking provincial support, the efforts failed. The Montreal Urban Community was created in 1969 as a direct result of a disastrous police strike. Its main purpose was to divert financial resources from the suburbs to the City in order to help cover increased police costs. The pooling of these costs inevitably led to the creation of a unified MUC police department, but the unification process was much more controversial than it had been in Toronto and Winnipeg. In other fields the suburbs have used their veto power to prevent any significant new initiatives. As a result, provincial control of urban development in Montreal is rapidly increasing. Although there have been many serious proposals for municipal consolidation in Montreal, no boundary changes have yet been made. Such changes would involve great political difficulty because they would create new linguistic majorities and minorities in each new municipality. Furthermore, the unusually strong alliance that binds francophone and anglophone suburbs makes it extremely difficult for any Quebec government to modify the existing situation. Sommaire. Bien que les récents gouvernements du Québecse soient lancés dans la réforme des institutions locales, leurs réalisations, quant aux institutions municipales de Montréal, ne sont pas spectaculaires. L'auteur de cet article s'efforce de démontrer que la composition linguistique de Montréal a compliquéénormément le processus de réforme métropolitaine. Le système municipal actuel de l'Ile de Montréal a pris forme à la fin du 19e siècle et au début du 20e, alors que la ville de Montréal annexait de nombreuses municipalités francophones pauvres et que les anglophones, plus riches, établissaient leurs propres municipalités dans l'ouest. Cet arrangementne s'est vu menacé que lors les tentatives d'annexion Drapeau-Saulnier, au debut des années 60. Ces efforts échouèrent, faute d'appui provincial. Une désastreuse grève de la police arnena, comme conséquence directe, la création en 1969 de la communauté urbaine de Montréal. Son principal but était le transfert des ressources financières des banlieues à la ville, pour aider à défrayer les majorations du coût de la police. L'amalgation des coûts de la police entraîna la création d'un service de police unifié CUM, mais ce processus d'unification rencontra beaucoup plus de résistance que cela n'avait été le cas à Toronto et à Winnipeg. Dans d'autres domaines, les banlieues utilisèrent leur droit de veto pour empêcher d'autres innovations importantes, ce qui cut pour résultat d'augmenter rapidement la mainmise provinciale sur le développement urbain de Montréal. En dépit du grand nombre de propositions sérieuses en vue d'une consolidation municipale à Montréal, aucune modification des divisions géographiques n'eut lieu. De tels changements rencontreraient de grandes difficultés d'ordre politique parce qu'ils créeraient de nouvelles majorités et minorités linguistiques dans chaque nouvelle municipalité. De plus, l'alliance exceptionnellement solide qui lie les banlieues anglophones et francophones rendrait extrêmement difficile la modification du statu quo pour tout gouvernement québécois, quel qu'il soit.     

Asian Industrialization in Latin American Perspective: The Limits to Institutional Analysis

Kang, David C. Crony Capitalism: Corruption and Development in South Korea and the Philippines. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002. Figures, tables, notes, bibliography, index, 220 pp.; hardcover $60, paperback $27.99.
Chibber, Vivek. Locked in Place: State-Building and Late Industrialization in India. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2003. Figures, tables, abbreviations, notes, bibliography, index, 360 pp.; hardcover $49.50, paperback $22.95.     

A Preferential Option for the Spirit: The Catholic Charismatic Renewal in Latin America's New Religious Economy

The Catholic Charismatic Renewal (CCR), the Latin American church's largest and most dynamic lay movement, demands scholarly attention for its extraordinary appeal among Catholic laity and its unanimous approval by national episcopacies. If the church is finally using mass media and other Protestant techniques for evangelization, it is because of the Charismatics, whose missionary zeal rivals that of their chief competitors, the Pentecostals. This study uses the tools of religious economy to analyze the reasons for the Renewal's rapid growth and acceptance. In attempting to explicate the CCR's success, the study also examines the major ecclesial trends during the movement's three decades in Latin America.     

Military coups in the people’s republic of China: Failure,fabrication, or fancy?

The most blatant and dramatic type of political act by soldiers is the coup d’etat. Scholars of civil-military relations often argue that communist states are virtually immune to coups because of effective mechanisms of party control over the army. In the case of the People’s Republic of china (PRC), many scholars contend that there have been no successful military coups, although some assert there has been at least one abortive attempt—by Minister of Defense Lin Biao in 1971. Chinese sources have reported many botched coup plots and some sinologists have accepted there as fact and/or labeled various events in PRC history as military coups.