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154.
Aylin Yalçın Sarıbey Ph.D. Abigail Grace Hannam M.Sc. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2016,61(3):773-774
Historically, in crimes involving heavy caliber rifles, only conventional factory‐made versions have been used. However, in recent years the number of homemade long‐barreled rifles is increasing. The characteristics of two such firearms that have been submitted to the Turkish Criminal Laboratory are discussed here. When the main parts of the guns were examined in detail, it was noted that nearly all of the parts had been made carelessly, with several structural defects visible. It was determined that the homemade heavy caliber rifles were unfit for efficient use and it was possible that they could have seriously harmed the shooter had they been fired. The development of these kinds of gun and the possibility of their use spreading throughout the country in terrorist attacks could cause a serious threat to national security. 相似文献
155.
Supporters of the Fethullah Gülen community, an informal institution with an influential role in Turkish political life, have formed an international chain of schools and student dormitories, and a communications web that includes newspapers, journals, television and radio channels, as well as other companies and finance institutions. Although the community has no formal structure, its followers have established these formal institutions to integrate it into formal systems like education and the economy. This paper focuses on the community's educational organizations to argue that, since the community has preferred to pursue its goals within Turkey's existing formal framework, rather than by challenging it or breaking its rules, it can be defined as an accommodating informal institution rather than complementary, competing or substitutive. 相似文献
156.
This article investigates the situation of non-camp Syrian refugees living in ?zmir with a focus on socio-economic prospects and challenges concerning their survival and integration on the one hand and social acceptance by the host Turkish society on the other. The data were generated by semi-structured interviews conducted between February and April 2014 with non-camp Syrian refugees and Turkish citizens living in ?zmir. The empirical research intends to contribute to the literature through insights on the socio-economic conditions of non-camp Syrians, their level of integration to Turkish society, difficulties and challenges encountered and the perception of Turkish citizens about the rising Syrian population in Turkey. It argues that Turkey’s open-border and ‘temporary protection’ policies are approaching their limits with the increasing number of new arrivals and the concomitant difficulties faced in integrating into Turkish society. The paper suggests that there is an urgent need to create a ‘rights-based approach’ with a long-term integration policy and presents policy recommendations which aim to extend and secure the rights of Syrians through socio-economic adjustments without jeopardizing their social acceptance from and peaceful co-existence with Turkish citizens. 相似文献
157.
Gözde Yılmaz 《South European society & politics》2016,21(1):147-161
AbstractThe European Union (EU) has successfully been exercising its transformative power through both its enlargement and its neighbourhood policies for decades. Nonetheless, transformation towards a more European model of governance through Europeanisation is not a linear process, but a differentiated one. Adverse consequences for Europeanisation (i.e. de-Europeanisation) have often been neglected. The case of media freedom in Turkey, with a deteriorating trend across time, exemplifies such an outcome. This article explores media freedom in Turkey in the last decade. It argues that media reforms have been reversed over time in a de-Europeanising trend, with the EU losing its position as a reference point for reforms. 相似文献
158.
Ali Çarkoğlu 《Southeast European and Black Sea Studies》2016,16(2):255-274
Past enlargements of the European Union (EU) have demonstrated that public attitudes on European integration can influence the course of accession processes. Beyond the literature on public EU support in member states and former candidates, the dynamics that shape public attitudes on EU membership within recent candidate countries have not been systematically examined. Analysing nine Eurobarometer (EB) surveys from 2004 to 2011, we argue that evaluations of EU membership in Croatia, Macedonia and Turkey are shaped by utilitarian considerations, belief in various political institutions as well as the fear of losing national identity. The economic crisis of 2008 has changed public opinion towards EU membership in all three countries, but Turkey appears to have been affected the most compared to Croatia and Macedonia. 相似文献
159.
Esen Kirdiş 《Democratization》2016,23(3):417-436
This article will discuss the “immoderation” of religious political actors – defined as the continuation of a relatively closed and rigid worldview – through a cross-religious comparison of the Christian Right coalition within the Republican Party in the US with the pro-Islamic movement-parties in Turkey. By adapting a “most different systems approach”, this study will question the similar evolution of two religious political actors in two dissimilar political regimes. In particular, it will question the processes and types of immoderation by looking into (1) “behavioural immoderation”, immoderation for the strategic purpose of forming a small yet ideologically pure supporter base, and into (2) “ideological immoderation”, immoderation as a result of a continued advocacy for a moral role for the state without a full embrace of political pluralism. In this, it will argue that religious political actors are strategic actors who try to guarantee their organizational survival amidst changing costs and benefits of moderation vis-à-vis immoderation. Through its discussion of “immoderation” and through its cross-religious comparison, this study will aim to contribute to the inclusion-moderation literature. 相似文献
160.
S c o t t H a u g e r 《国际安全研究》2016,2(2)
This preliminary study traces how climate change came to be viewed
as a security issue in the United States through a review of policy documents and
reports prepared for and by the US security sector. The paper draws upon the ideas
of constructivist schools of security studies to provide an analytical framework for
understanding the meaning of the securitization process as it has occurred in the
United States. It then refl ects upon the adequacy of those frameworks to interpret the
securitization of climate change. In the US, new knowledge of the phenomenon of
climate change was fi rst constructed in the research sector, in the fi elds of meteorology
and atmospheric science. Environmental and Earth sciences then became a locus of
research, and climate change fi rst entered security discourse as a topic of environmental
protection. As the implications of climate change and its potential impact on water
resources, food production, diseases, infrastructure, and human migration came to
the attention of the security sector, this knowledge stimulated an internal discourse,
where each new document functioned both as a new securitization statement and as a
policy response to prior documents in a chain of discourse. Actors in this securitization
process included not only “speakers” making a securitization claim (knowledge claim)
and “audiences” that accept or reject a claim. Importantly, it also included actors who
were instrumental in translating knowledge between research and security sectors. This
brief consideration suggests that social science theories that center on practice are more
robust than those that center on discourse for interpreting the securitization of climate
change. Improved analytic frameworks need to better account for actors whose role is
to transfer and translate knowledge from one sector to another. 相似文献