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This article constitutes the first account of sexual minority barristers’ experience of and relation to professionalism at the Bar. Drawing on survey and interview data, it presents the Bar as a site of heteronormativity, where masculinist heterosexuality is pervasively assumed and publicly valorized. The ‘credible’ barrister – authoritative, respected, competent – is constructed as heterosexual. In this context, sexual minority barristers risk a loss of credibility in coming out or being out in the workplace. Our data presents mechanisms by which these individuals manage the public expression of their sexuality. Some – in contrast to heterosexual colleagues – deny entirely the professional relevance of their sexuality. Others adopt assimilationist strategies, curating a ‘credible’ public persona: out, but otherwise conforming to heteronormative expectations and values. While the data includes exceptions that give cause for hope, many sexual minority barristers experience professionalism as pressure to render their sexuality effectively invisible, at significant cost personally and professionally. 相似文献
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BENJAMIN WORTHY 《The Political quarterly》2008,79(1):100-108
This article investigates the future of Britain's Freedom of Information Act [FOIA]. It argues that the UK FOI regime faces a set of unique opportunities and challenges that may decisively impact upon the shape of FOI policy in Britain.
On the one hand, the increasingly assertive FOIA appeal bodies, constant pressure from requesters, alongside the more open habits practised within the Civil Service, may serve together to 'open up' government information access. This in turn may widen and strengthen the British FOI regime.
On the other hand, a series of potential obstacles may inhibit or undermine the new FOI regime. Delay and inconsistency, potential record management problems and 'gaps' within the scope of the Act, all present possible barriers to further openness. Most of all, following the two recent attempts to limit the scope of the legislation, the intentions and actions of the government will be crucial in shaping the future of FOI policy. 相似文献
On the one hand, the increasingly assertive FOIA appeal bodies, constant pressure from requesters, alongside the more open habits practised within the Civil Service, may serve together to 'open up' government information access. This in turn may widen and strengthen the British FOI regime.
On the other hand, a series of potential obstacles may inhibit or undermine the new FOI regime. Delay and inconsistency, potential record management problems and 'gaps' within the scope of the Act, all present possible barriers to further openness. Most of all, following the two recent attempts to limit the scope of the legislation, the intentions and actions of the government will be crucial in shaping the future of FOI policy. 相似文献
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PATRICK FLAVIN ALEXANDER C. PACEK BENJAMIN RADCLIFF 《European Journal of Political Research》2019,58(4):1088-1107
A growing literature suggests social democratic policies, as exemplified by the welfare state and active labour market policies, promote higher levels of life satisfaction compared to the neoliberal agenda of austerity, smaller government and more ‘flexible’ labour markets. In this article, this inquiry is extended to low-income countries. A theoretical argument is developed for why labour market regulation (LMR) (rather than social welfare spending or the general size of government) is a more appropriate locus of attention outside of the industrial democracies. The relationship between LMR and several measures of well-being is then empirically evaluated, finding robust evidence that people live more satisfying lives in countries that more stringently regulate their labour market. Moreover, it is found that positive benefits of LMR on well-being are the largest among individuals with lower incomes. The implications for public policy and the study of human well-being are discussed. 相似文献
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Official statistics and independent survey data show that in the last decade China has witnessed a remarkable change in its enforcement of environmental pollution violations, moving toward more formalistic and coercive law enforcement with more enforcement cases as well as higher fines. The data also show that there is considerable regional variation with coastal areas having more and higher punishments than those inland. This article explores these findings, seeking to understand the explanation and meaning of these temporal and regional variation patterns. The study shows how enforcement varies when there is a convergence of governmental, social, and economic institutional forces. The article argues that the basis for such convergence has been fragile, as national pressures have lacked consistency and local community and government support evaporates when dominant sources of income are at stake. 相似文献
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BEN WORTHY 《管理》2010,23(4):561-582
This article examines the impact of Britain's Freedom of Information (FOI) Act 2000 on British central government. The article identifies six objectives for FOI in the United Kingdom and then examines to what extent FOI has met them, briefly comparing the United Kingdom with similar legislation in Ireland, New Zealand, Australia, and Canada. It concludes that FOI has achieved the core objectives of increasing transparency and accountability, though the latter only in particular circumstances, but not the four secondary objectives: improved decision‐making by government, improved public understanding, increased participation, and trust in government. This is not because the Act has “failed” but because the objectives were overly ambitious and FOI is shaped by the political environment in which it is placed. 相似文献
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