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81.
DAVID J. WILSON 《Public administration》1996,74(2):199-219
This article shows how a complex configuration of interests has shaped the work of the Local Government Commission for England ( lgc ). The article focuses upon the consultative processes associated with the work of the commission in Leicestershire and makes a dual contribution to our understanding of the emerging structure of English non-metropolitan local government. First, it provides a detailed insight into the consultative exercises carried out by one local authority, Leicestershire County Council ( lcc ), and explores the strategies employed by that authority in order to secure an optimal outcome from the Local Government Commission. Second, it argues that organization theory, notably the inter-organizational analysis applied by Leach in his work on the impact of the reorganization of local government in metropolitan Britain, offers the most pertinent theoretical framework for analysis. The article highlights the inadequacies of the consultation process around local government reorganization, showing that neither the efforts of the county council nor the commission itself stimulated a reasoned debate amongst the public. The review process did not capture people's imagination; nor did it stimulate genuine debate about the kind of local government we want. Essentially, what this article depicts is a picture of a pragmatic and brutal organizational battle in which there were losers as well as winners. 相似文献
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BRIAN SMENTKOWSKI 《Law & policy》1994,16(4):395-417
This article investigates the influence of judicial decisions on state legislative oversight of federal funds. A systematic analysis of judicial decisions is undertaken in an effort to reveal (a) the extent to which such activity on the part of legislatures is permitted or denied by courts, and (b) the nature of legal reasoning that determines differential outcomes. The analysis reveals, among other things, that there are two divergent paths of law: one upholding the legislative prerogative to exercise the power of the purse, and the other upholding the executive function of governors to act as custodians and executors of federal funds and programs. The delegation of legislative powers to interim committees is likewise investigated. 相似文献
83.
Criteria which are commonly employed in the assessment of the bail risk (failure to appear) are examined. based on samples of defendants released in Philadelphia, Delaware. and Delaware County, Pennsylvania. The original release on recognizance criteria offered by the Manhattan Bail Project is contrasted with a factor analytical model of bail risk produced through the present study. Counter to the original construct, community ties are reflected in two separate factors rather than one. Findings suggest a reassessment of the meaning of community ties with respect to bail risk. In contrast to the original interpretation, basedprincipally on length of time in a community and contacts with friends and relatives, successful performance of adult male roles in the community reflected by marriage and its associated responsibilities appears to be more important in assessing bail risk. The community ties factor, however, may be a byproduct of differential local community social structure and process. 相似文献
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BRIAN STIPAK 《国际比较与应用刑事审判杂志》2013,37(1-2):247-260
This paper examines several alternatives to standard, population-based crime rates. These alternatives include rates standardized according to a variable other than population, and rates calculated by statistically standardizing for a number of variables simultaneously. Augmenting traditional crime rates with alternative types of rates can provide more information about the prevalence of crime, can help avoid the limitations of traditional rates, and can enhance analysts' flexibility in choosing crime rates appropriate to their analytical purpose. 相似文献
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This paper explores a major road to substantive representation in democracies, by clarifying whether demands of rich and poor citizens are taken up in the electoral platforms of political parties. Doing so constitutes a substantial broadening and deepening of our understanding of substantive representation – broadening the countries, issue-areas and years that form the empirical basis for judging whether democracies manifest unequal representation; and deepening the process of representation by clarifying a key pathway connecting societal demands to policy outcomes. The paper hypothesises that party systems in general will respond more strongly to wealthy than to poor segments of a polity. It also hypothesises that left parties will more faithfully represent poorer and less significantly represent richer citizens than do right parties. We find substantial support for these expectations in a new dataset that combines multi-country, multi-issue-area, multi-wave survey data with data on party platforms for 39 democracies. 相似文献
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