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There are two main arguments in this article. First, if wages and employment are to be used as indicators of changing levels of rural poverty they need to be complemented by micro and meso level studies of how increases or declines in wages and employment are distributed among individuals and households. Secondly, if the nature of the relationship between employer and labourer is to be understood, aggregates such as ‘casual’ labour need to be unravelled. Evidence from a study of two small localities in rural West Bengal between 1991 and 1993 suggests that the poorest workers receive the lowest remuneration across a range of informal contracts, including daily time‐rate, piece rate, seasonal beck‐and‐call and migrant labour arrangements. Levels of remuneration are also determined by locally specific ideologies of gender and social rank and by party politics.  相似文献   
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Through a series of case studies of the interactions between foodgrain traders and between traders and producers, this article questions the widespread belief that foodgrain markets in Bangladesh are characterised by low trading margins, no vertical integration and a general competitive health. The article indicates that merchant's capital plays two key roles in the market (i) in some areas of the country, the provision of merchant's credit deprives the poor producer of access to the market price for his or her output; (ii) working capital extended to subordinate traders may also enable a small group of large traders to influence prices. Further case studies of the interaction between traders and the state food distribution system indicate ways in which the private market may be able to frustrate or limit policies intended to regulate its operation. These insights suggest that the domination of merchant's capital may be one factor explaining low levels of productivity in the Bangladesh countryside. They also raise questions about the consequences of policies intended to increase the role of private trade in the economy.  相似文献   
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Ben Xu 《当代中国》1999,8(21):241-261
In order to understand the modern‐postmodern controversy in China, it is important to understand the contradictory political implications of postmodernism in that special context. Emerging in China as a post‐Cultural Revolution discourse, postmodernism has elicited both anticipation and distrust. The former comes from the promise of being liberated from the dogmas of modernity; the latter from concern about postmodern disregard of different orientations of modernity, especially conflicting totalitarian and democratic modes of modernity. While attacking modernity in general, Chinese postmodernism has so far failed to address the particular mode of modernity crystallized in the violence and brutality of the Cultural Revolution and the Tiananmen massacre. To undermine the modernist notions of universality, subject and grand narratives without acknowledging and accenting the oppressive deeds done under the aegis of these notions is to practice a politically conservative postmodernism which endorses the existing order while pretending to be theoretically radical and avant‐garde.  相似文献   
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