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131.
Nicholas Aylott 《West European politics》2013,36(2):119-136
Sweden voted in November 1994 to approve EU membership. Although the Social Democratic Party's leadership advocated approval, the membership was badly divided. Against the backdrop of two Nordic sister parties’ similar difficulties, this article examines the leadership's management of the internal conflict. It analyses the evolution and main elements of its management strategy, the most important being an attempt to accommodate rather than confront the party's Eurosceptics. As the leadership's two goals for 1994, an election victory and a ‘Yes’ in the referendum, were both achieved, the strategy must be considered a qualified, short‐term success. 相似文献
132.
Nicholas R. Miller 《Public Choice》2010,145(3-4):575-579
An Ordeshook-Schwartz agenda tree requires a voting theorist to assign a unique “ostensive alternative” to each node, but under some non-pairwise agendas there is no evident principle by which to do this. Therefore Ordeshook-Schwartz sincere voting is not clearly defined under all types of agendas. Farquharson-style agenda trees sidestep this problem and allow one or more definitions of sincere voting under every type of agenda. 相似文献
133.
Nicholas D.J. Baldwin 《The Journal of Legislative Studies》2013,19(2):218-242
An analysis of the legislative activity of the House of Lords during the period of Labour government between 1974 and 1979. At the time much of their activity was depicted as a clash between Lords and Commons, between the two chambers of the British legislature – one a ‘one‐sided, hereditary, unprized, unrepresentative, irresponsible absentee’ and other made up of the directly elected representatives of the people. The author shows that the events during the period were in fact rather more complex than this, being more accurately portrayed as a clash between Government and Parliament facilitated by the House of Lords. In addition, the author points not only to the importance of the peers perceptions of the parliamentary situation at the time, what it was generally as well as at specific times and with regard to specific issues, and to the impact that this had, but also highlights the fact that the political complexion of the House of Lords is far more complex than a simple Conservative‐Labour dichotomy. By way of conclusion it is argued not only that the activity of the House of Lords during this period provides ample evidence of the extent and nature of the work of the House, but also that the members were doing no more than their constitutional position provides for, namely to scrutinise and revise legislation – it was, as Bagehot observed, a Chamber of ‘temporary rejectors and palpable alterers’. 相似文献
134.
Mr. Arnulf Müller-Helmbrecht Ramsar Bureau Nicholas Davidson Bert Lenten 《Journal of International Wildlife Law & Policy》2013,16(1-2):73-89
Between The Bureau of the Convention on Wetlands (Ramsar, Iran, 1971) and the Secretariat of the Convention on the Conservation of Migratory Species of Wild Animals (CMS) And Between The Bureau of the Convention on Wetlands (Ramsar, Iran, 1971) and the Secretariat of the Agreement on the Conservation of African-Eurasian Migratory Waterbirds (AEWA) 相似文献
135.
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137.
This article analyses the content of the 2017 general election manifestos, and introduces the latest estimates from the Manifesto Project to explore recent ideological movements in the British party system. It reports the changing policy emphases in Conservative and Labour manifestos and the ideological positions of the major political parties in 2017. It finds that Theresa May's party produced its most left‐wing manifesto since 1964, and that Jeremy Corbyn's party produced its most left‐wing manifesto since 1992 and the election before the advent of New Labour. The article also finds that the ideological space between the Conservatives and Labour opened up in 2017, and that Northern Ireland's Democratic Unionists published the most right‐wing manifesto. 相似文献
138.
Lauren Hersch Nicholas Johanna Catherine Maclean 《Journal of policy analysis and management》2019,38(2):455-480
Older adults are at elevated risk of reducing labor supply due to poor health, partly because of high rates of symptoms that may be alleviated by medical marijuana. Yet, surprisingly little is known about how this group responds to medical marijuana laws (MMLs). We quantify the effects of state medical marijuana laws on the health and labor supply of adults age 51 and older, focusing on the 55 percent with one or more medical conditions with symptoms that may respond to medical marijuana. We use longitudinal data from the Health and Retirement Study to estimate event study and differences‐in‐differences regression models. Three principle findings emerge from our analysis. First, active state medical marijuana laws lead to lower pain and better self‐assessed health among older adults. Second, state medical marijuana laws lead to increases in older adult labor supply, with effects concentrated on the intensive margin. Third, the effects of MMLs are largest among older adults with a health condition that would qualify for legal medical marijuana use under current state laws. Findings highlight the role of health policy in supporting work among older adults and the importance of including older adults in assessments of state medical marijuana laws. 相似文献
139.
Muennig P Sampat B Tilipman N Brown LD Glied SA 《Journal of health politics, policy and law》2011,36(5):829-853
The 2010 Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (P.L. 111-148), or ACA, requires that U.S. citizens either purchase health insurance or pay a fine. To offset the financial burden for lower-income households, it also provides subsidies to ensure that health insurance premiums are affordable. However, relatively little work has been done on how such affordability standards should be set. The existing literature on affordability is not grounded in social norms and has methodological and theoretical flaws. To address these issues, we developed a series of hypothetical vignettes in which individual and household sociodemographic characteristics were varied. We then convened a panel of eighteen experts with extensive experience in affordability standards to evaluate the extent to which each vignette character could afford to pay for one of two health insurance plans. The panel varied with respect to political ideology and discipline. We find that there was considerable disagreement about how affordability is defined. There was also disagreement about what might be included in an affordability standard, with substantive debate surrounding whether savings, debt, education, or single parenthood is relevant. There was also substantial variation in experts' assessed affordability scores. Nevertheless, median expert affordability assessments were not far from those of ACA. 相似文献
140.
How Do I Feel About Feelings? Emotion Socialization in Families of Depressed and Healthy Adolescents
Erin C. Hunter Lynn Fainsilber Katz Joann Wu Shortt Betsy Davis Craig Leve Nicholas B. Allen Lisa B. Sheeber 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2011,40(4):428-441
Emotional and cognitive changes that occur during adolescence set the stage for the development of adaptive or maladaptive
beliefs about emotions. Although research suggests that parents’ behaviors and beliefs about emotions relate to children’s
emotional abilities, few studies have looked at parental socialization of children’s emotions, particularly in families with
depressed adolescents. The present study examined associations between parent and adolescent meta-emotion philosophies (MEP),
defined as thoughts, reactions, and feelings about their own emotions. Additionally, adolescent depressive status was tested
as a moderator of relationships between parents’ and adolescents’ MEP. One hundred and 52 adolescents, aged 14–18 (65.8% female),
and their parents (148 mothers, 106 fathers) participated in a study on emotion socialization in families of depressed and
healthy adolescents. Depressed adolescents (n = 75) and matched healthy adolescents (n = 77) were recruited based on research criteria for mental health status. The sample was largely Caucasian (82%) and of middle
socioeconomic class status. Results indicated that mothers’ and fathers’ MEP about their children’s emotions were associated
with adolescents’ MEP, although parents’ MEP about their own emotions was unrelated to adolescents’ MEP. Fathers’ MEP about
children’s emotions made unique contributions to adolescents’ MEP across both adolescent groups. Adolescents’ depressive status
moderated the relationship between mothers’ and adolescents’ MEP such that mothers’ MEP was particularly relevant for depressed
adolescents. The continued influence of parents in the emotional lives of adolescents is discussed as well as differences
in emotion socialization in families with depressed and healthy adolescents. 相似文献