There is an ongoing debate among practitioners and scholars about the security consequences of transnational migration. Yet, existing work has not, so far, fully taken into account the policy instruments states have at their disposal to mitigate these risks, and reliable evidence is lacking for the effectiveness of such measures. This article addresses both shortcomings as whether and to what extent national migration policies affect the diffusion of terrorism via population movements are analysed. Spatial analyses report robust support for a moderating influence of states’ policies: while terrorism can travel from one country to another via larger migration populations, this only applies to target countries with extremely lax regulations and control mechanisms. This research sheds new light on the security implications of population movements, and it crucially adds to our understanding of governments’ instruments for addressing migration challenges as well as their effectiveness. 相似文献
Innovating upon previous field experiments and theories of identity‐based discrimination, we test whether public officials are using searches (“identity‐questing”) to profile citizens and acting on latent biases. Pairs of “institutional” and “noninstitutional” requesters send lower and moderate burden freedom of information (FOI) requests—providing no identity cues apart from undistinctive names, e‐mails, and ID numbers—to nearly 700 of Brazil's largest municipalities. Results show institutional requesters receive one‐fifth more responses than noninstitutional comparators. For moderate versus lower burden requests, noninstitutional requesters are 11% less likely to receive a compliant response than their institutional comparators. The only plausible explanation for these results is identity‐questing, a phenomenon that has far‐reaching policy implications. Most of the world's FOI laws, for example, contain vague ID obligations, which translate incoherently from laws to regulation and practice. Results enjoin public service providers to protect the identities of citizens by default or upon request. 相似文献
Amidst calls for more scrutiny of the failure of infrastructure public–private partnerships (PPPs), uncertainty about how we can measure failure remains, and little systematic evidence illuminates its likelihood. Our mixed‐methods design explores the notion of failure and identifies the conditions under which it happens. The first phase of our research employs documentary analysis and semistructured expert interviews, and identifies project cancellation as capturing the most severe occurrences of failure. A second phase statistically analyzes a unique World Bank data set capturing the provisions of over 4,000 infrastructure PPPs launched between 1990 and 2015 in 89 countries. We find robust evidence supporting the theoretical claim that PPPs are less likely to be canceled in countries with more veto points among their political institutions to restrain politicians from intervening in policy implementation. Cancellation is a rare, but valid indicator of failure, and the importance of veto players clarifies how political risk operates in this context. 相似文献
China’s rise as a global power corresponded with a diminution of Taiwanese diplomacy, which has left Central America as the last region to host a continuous bloc of countries that recognize the ROC. In this article, we argue that China’s success in gaining diplomatic recognition from Taiwan’s former allies has largely resulted from China's economic policy, specifically its promises of large-scale infrastructure projects and the integration of Central American economies with Chinese markets. However, there are limits to how far China has advanced in gaining full recognition from the region. The competing political and economic interests of China, Taiwan, the United States, and the Central American countries themselves, continue to influence patterns of diplomatic switching. More specifically, we argue that the threat of punitive measures from the United States combined with a turn in Taiwanese diplomacy toward assistance efforts to combat Covid-19 may deter future switching in the short to medium-term. Our analysis offers case studies of four Central American countries (Costa Rica, Panama, El Salvador and Nicaragua) to illustrate the multi-year processes by which China’s economic strategy leads to diplomatic switching and examine the paths ahead for the remaining holdouts facing the prospect of economic and political penalties by the United States.
Several developing countries are currently experiencing a significant fertility decline, however, academic economists have paid little attention to this transition. This paper seeks to explain the fertility transition by infant mortality, urbanisation, income, culture and educational attainment of females and males using annual data for 92 developing countries over the period 1960–2014. External instruments are used to deal with endogeneity. The results suggest that increasing per capita income, improved female education and increasing secularisation have been important determinants for declining fertility in the developing world. 相似文献
Few studies have examined risk factors of childhood and early adolescent depressive symptomatology trajectories. This study
examined self-report depressive symptomatology across a 6-year time period from 2nd to 8th grade to identify latent groups
of individuals with similar patterns of depressive phenomena in a sample of 951 children (440 girls, 511 boys). Analyses,
using semiparametric group modeling (SGM), identified 5 trajectory groups for girls and boys: low depressed stables, low depressed
risers, mildly depressed stables, moderately depressed changers, and moderately depressed risers. Individual risk factors,
with the exception of shy/withdrawn behavior, were significantly different across trajectory group membership for boys and
girls, as was low-income status for boys. Boys in the low depressed and mildly depressed stable trajectory groups had significantly
higher levels of antisocial behavior, attention problems, and lower social competency compared to girls in similar groups.
These results suggest that universal prevention programs implemented in early elementary school that target selected risk
factors may be helpful in reducing future adolescent mental health problems, specifically depressive symptomatology. 相似文献
Two cross-sectional studies investigated media influences on adolescents’ substance use and intentions to use substances in
the context of exposure to parental and peer risk and protective factors. A total of 729 middle school students (n = 351, 59% female in Study 1; n = 378, 43% female in Study 2) completed self-report questionnaires. The sample in Study 1 was primarily African-American
(52%) and the sample in Study 2 was primarily Caucasian (63%). Across the two studies, blocks of media-related cognitions
made unique contributions to the prediction of adolescents’ current substance use and intentions to use substances in the
future above and beyond self-reported peer and parental influences. Specifically, identification with and perceived similarity
to media messages were positively associated with adolescents’ current substance use and intentions to use substances in the
future, and critical thinking about media messages and media message deconstruction skills were negatively associated with
adolescents’ intention to use substances in the future. Further, peer influence variables (e.g., peer pressure, social norms,
peer substance use) acted as risk factors, and for the most part, parental influence variables (e.g., parental pressure to
not use, perceived parental reaction) acted as protective factors. These findings highlight the importance of developing an
increased understanding of the role of media messages and media literacy education in the prevention of substance use behaviors
in adolescence. 相似文献