How Strong Should Our Party Be? Party Member Preferences Over Party Cohesion

In this article, we seek to explain when and why political parties pressure their members to vote with the party. We model party cohesion as an endogenous choice of preference alignment by party members. Couched in Krehbiel's (1996, 1998) pivotal politics model, the formal theory advanced here shows party cohesion to be related to the initial preference alignment of party members, the divergence in preferences between parties, the cohesion of the opposing party, the party's size, and the party's majority or minority status. We solved the model analytically for generalized‐partial equilibrium results and further analyzed it through computer simulations. We tested the model's predictions in the U.S. Senate using Rice party cohesion scores from the 46th through 104th Congresses. The data analyses show strong support for this theory of endogenous choice of party pressure.     

Juvenile Waiver 2003: Where Are We Now?

Juvenile waiver has received much attention from the public, practitioners, and scholars during the last decade. Prior studies have documented the increased use and effects of waiver. In this study we examine the current state of the law regarding juvenile waiver. We replicate a 1995 study of state waiver statutes and detail the changes in prosecutorial, judicial, and legislative waiver since 1995. While the juvenile crime rate has slowed, legislatures' fascination with waiver has increased. In less than 10 years, the number of states utilizing prosecutorial waiver has increased 25%, 27 states have modified their judicial waiver statutes, and 30 states have modified their legislative waiver statutes.     

Partisan Turnout Bias in Midterm Legislative Elections

Abstract: Lower salience elections present greater opportunities for representational bias at the polls than do elections with higher levels of political interest. We hypothesize that turnout bias is most likely to occur during midterm congressional elections in which there are clear short‐term forces that exploit the low turnout setting. The effects of these forces are more likely to be observable among registered nonvoters than citizens who are not registered to vote because registrants have access to the polls and are likely to have voted in previous presidential contests. Using midterm National Election Study data from 1978 to 1998, we find that registered nonvoters are frequently more Democratic than midterm election voters, particularly in 1994 and 1998. The historic 1994 congressional election seat losses for Democrats may be partially explained by the finding that voters going to the polls were clearly more conservative than registered nonvoters.     

Coercion and Consent: A Tale of Two Court Reforms*

The state courts in Maine have improved compliance with small claims judgments through two distinct reforms: an automatic disclosure process and a court-based mediation program. The first of these survived only briefly but the second is well institutionalized. After showing the similar effects on compliance rates of these two reforms, we conclude that contrasting fortunes of mediation and automatic disclosure can be attributed to their different effects on the costs and work life of courts as organizations and can be further understood in terms of their impact on the court as an institution with fragile authority.