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International relations theories emphasize the stabilizing role hegemons play in world politics. But little scholarship has examined the link connecting hegemony to its potentially positive returns in the security realm: force posture. We correct this deficit by developing and testing an argument about the consequences of different hegemonic force postures under varying threat conditions. We present a typology of force posture options and probe their effects through over-time analysis of how major powers have worked to provide one particularly important public good since 1945: access to Persian Gulf oil. Drawing on field work, we also explore the implications of our framework for current and future US force posture in the region. We conclude that hegemonic stability is a very real phenomenon in the Gulf, but it does not require the massive forward deployment of US forces that has characterized the past twenty years of US presence there. 相似文献
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Characteristics of Bone Injuries Resulting from Knife Wounds Incised with Different Forces
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Caitlin Humphrey B.Hlth.Sc. Jaliya Kumaratilake Ph.D. Maciej Henneberg Ph.D. D.Sc. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2017,62(6):1445-1451
The aim of this research was to experimentally determine the characteristics of incised bone wounds, which are commonly found in defense injuries. A specially constructed pivoting arm device was used to inflict wounds with controlled forces and direction. Five knives were selected to inflict the wounds on porcine forelimbs. Eight incised wounds were made per knife per force. A larger knife and a greater force caused longer and wider bone wounds. Comparisons of individual knives at the two forces produced varying results in the bone wounds. A correlation was seen between the force and the length (r = 0.69), width (r = 0.63), and depth (r = 0.57) of bone wounds. Serrated‐edge and nonserrated knives can be distinguished from the appearance of the wound. The outcomes may be applicable in forensic investigations to ascertain the forces associated with incised wounds and identify the specific knife used. 相似文献
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Caitlin G. Lynch 《Contemporary Justice Review》2018,21(1):33-43
The police subculture serves as a means for police officers to cope with the perceived stresses associated with police work, including the belief that their lives are constantly threatened by dangerous ‘others’. As a result, the police subculture is peppered with racialized survivability discourse that reminds police of the possibility of their own mortality, mobilizes them through fear, and facilitates an entitlement to violence in the name of guardianship. Drawing from the author’s past experiences as a police officer, this paper offers insight into how, through this racialized police survivability discourse, police officers come to believe that their lives are more valuable than others, particularly when compared to Black lives. This has not only been demonstrated by the disproportionate killing of unarmed Black men but also by the emergence of the Blue Lives Matter ‘movement’ that arose in direct oppositional response to the subculture’s perceived threat of the Black Lives Matter movement. 相似文献
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E. Lisa Price E. Sandra Byers Nicole Belliveau Robert Bonner Bruno Caron Daniel Doiron Jan Greenough Alice Guerette-Breau Leslie Hicks Aline Landry Brigitte Lavoie Margaret Layden-Oreto Linda Legere Suzanne Lemieux Marie-Berthe Lirette Gabrielle Maillet Carol McMullin Rebecca Moore 《Journal of family violence》1999,14(4):351-375
This study describes the development and validation of three Attitudes Towards Male Dating Violence (AMDV) Scales and three Attitudes Towards Female Dating Violence (AFDV) Scales. These scales measure attitudes toward use of psychological, physical, and sexual dating violence, respectively, by boys and by girls. Eight hundred twenty-three students from grades 7, 9, and 11 participated in the validation study. All six scales have good internal consistencies. As predicted, students were more accepting of girls' use of violence than of boys' use of violence, and boys were more accepting of violence than were girls. The six scales were positively correlated with traditional attitudes toward gender roles and with each other, providing evidence for their construct validity. Higher scores on the AMDV Scales were related to boys' past use of violence in dating relationships and to their having aggressive friends, supporting their criterion-related validity. Higher scores on the AFDV Scales were associated with girls' past use of dating violence but not with their having aggressive friends, providing partial support for their criterion-related validity. Singly or in combination, the Attitudes Towards Dating Violence Scales can be used to increase our understanding of the development and maintenance of violence-supportive attitudes in adolescents of all ages. 相似文献
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Caitlin Ryan 《Third world quarterly》2018,39(1):189-206
There is wide engagement with large-scale land deals in sub-Saharan Africa, particularly from the perspectives of development and international political economy. Recently, scholars have increasingly pointed to a gendered lacuna in this literature. Engagement with gender tends to focus on potential differential impacts for men and women, and it also flags the need for more detailed empirical research of specific land deals. This paper draws from ethnographic data collected in Northern Sierra Leone to support the claim that the impacts of land deals are highly gendered, but it also argues that lineage in a land-owning family and patronage intersect with these gendered impacts. This data supports my claim that analysis of land deals should start from an understanding of the context-dependent, complex arrays of power and marginality. Such a starting point allows for a wider and ‘messier’ range of impacts and experiences to emerge. 相似文献
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Caitlin Lambert 《Women's history review》2020,29(3):520-539
ABSTRACTThe Women’s Liberation Movement (WLM) was one of the most important social movements of the twentieth century. Although the last few years have seen an increase in historical work exploring the movement, archival-based accounts of the diverse groups that comprised the WLM are few and far between. This article will uncover, and shed light on, the important work of the Campaign Against Depo-Provera. It will explore how women’s campaigns operated during this period, whilst also providing a lens for examining how women engaged with race and class. It will argue that we need to adopt a more nuanced understanding of how feminists engaged with identity, as an examination of the Campaign Against Depo-Provera questions many of the previously held orthodoxies in the literature. 相似文献