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251.
Long-term effects of participation in the Baltimore City drug treatment court: Results from an experimental study 总被引:2,自引:1,他引:1
Denise C. Gottfredson Stacy S. Najaka Brook W. Kearley Carlos M. Rocha 《Journal of Experimental Criminology》2006,2(1):67-98
This study uses an experimental design comparing 235 offenders assigned either to drug treatment court or treatment as usual.
It extends prior analyses of this study sample to examine whether differences observed between drug treatment court subjects
and control subjects at one and two years after the start of the program persist after three years, when many of the subjects
had ceased active treatment. Further, it extends earlier analyses that showed that the quantity of drug treatment court services
received was related to lower recidivism rates by using an instrumental variables approach to handle the endogeneity problem
that sometimes arises when subjects self-select into different levels of service. Results show a sustained treatment effect
on recidivism, controlling for time at risk. This effect is not limited to the period during which services are delivered.
Rather, it persists even after participation in the drug court program ceases. Results also show that the recidivism is lowest
among subjects who participate at higher levels in certified drug treatment, status hearings, and drug testing. These positive
findings are tempered with findings that more than three-fourths of clients are re-arrested within three years, regardless
of participation in the drug treatment court, and that drug treatment court cases spend approximately the same number of days
incarcerated as do control cases. Implications for strengthening drug treatment courts are discussed. 相似文献
252.
Carlos Escudé 《Cambridge Review of International Affairs》2002,15(3):453-467
Argentina has more than twice the total debt of India whilst the latter has 28 times more population in roughly equivalent territories. According to Poder Ciudadano, a local NGO, in 1999 Argentine political parties spent 440 times more than those of Chile. These gross asymmetries help to show that Argentina's financial troubles must be attributed to her own political practices rather than to adverse circumstances or foreign scapegoats. By December 2001, overspending had manifestly destroyed the Argentine financial system. Across-the-board violations of property rights followed, through bank withdrawal restrictions and a debt default that was the biggest in world economic history. This paper analyses the breakdown of federal institutions, the atomisation of power and the erosion of governability that ensued as a consequence of the financial crisis. Mafia-style political practices, an endemic evil in the background of Argentine politics, jumped to the forefront as a consequence of this institutional breakdown. 相似文献
253.
254.
Carlos Ochando Claramunt & Salvador Carrasco Arroyo 《European Journal of Political Research》2000,38(6):261-284
There are two clearly differentiated parts to this work. The first consists of a review of the theoretical arguments that underlie the so–called 'resources of power hypothesis' . That theory has been used to explain the growth and development of the Welfare State in several European countries. The findings of a number of empirical works backing up that theory have also been included in this review. The intention of the second part is to check the theory against the Spanish case between 1975 and 1995. The conclusion of this work is that if, besides considering the ideological persuasion of the party controlling the government, we take into account the other relevant factors encompassed by the theory, then the 'resources of power hypothesis' is valid in explaining and interpreting the make–up and scope of the Spanish Welfare State. 相似文献
255.
This article analyses the Brazilian Chamber of Deputies committee system using rational choice theories developed originally for the US Congress. We suggest that pure versions of these theories are unable to explain Brazilian committee politics, and point out the necessity of building a specific theory that takes into account key institutional characteristics which give the Brazilian Executive considerable power to control the legislative process to assure outcomes consistent with presidential preferences. We demonstrate that committees in Brazil operate to some degree as agents of the executive. For this reason, we call it the Theory of Executive Dominance. 相似文献
256.
Under the doctrine of vicarious liability, a deep-pocket principal is often held responsible for a third-party harm caused by a judgment-proof agent’s negligence. We analyze the incentive contract used by the principal to control the agent’s behavior when a court can make an error in determining the agent’s negligence. We show that (1) reducing the error of declaring the agent not negligent even when he was (pro-defendant or type II error) is better than reducing the error of declaring the agent negligent even when he was not (pro-plaintiff or type I error) and (2) allowing the principal to penalize the agent even when the court declares the agent not negligent improves welfare. The latter supports the argument that causing an accident (or a reliable allegation of misconduct) should be sufficient to justify a “just cause” termination of an employee. 相似文献
257.
This study analyses the factors that influence citizens' intention to use e-government activities offered by municipalities in Spain. For this purpose, we developed a straightforward user behaviour model that considers the components of the TAM and DOI models simultaneously, harnessing their synergies and factoring in the role of citizens' trust. We also examined the moderating role that population size can play in the model's behaviour. Among the results we obtained, it is important to note that user trust not only improved the model's fit, but also showed a significant effect on intention of use for all the population sizes that we analysed. The other significant relationship for all the samples linked ease of use to perceived usefulness. For the other relationships between variables, we observed the moderating role of size for the populations we considered. 相似文献
258.
259.
The article investigates the impact of local policies on human development indicators in Brazilian municipalities. This is an attempt to investigate the role of the legislative branch in reducing inequality and poverty through budget amendments, usually seen in derogatory form as pork barrel politics. We assess the effect of pork on municipalities using up‐to‐date policy evaluation techniques. Brazil is a case of extreme inequality and an active legislative branch in disbursing monies. The data set contains over 60,000 observations from all 5,500+ Brazilian municipalities for over a decade. We use matching and longitudinal data analysis techniques, treating pork as exogenous shocks, mapping how its effect reverberates on social and economic indicators in succeeding years. The results indicate a positive impact of such policies in improving local level development. However, these results are not sustainable over time, thus suggesting inclusion with a dissipative profile. 相似文献
260.
Lorenzo Cotula Carlos Oya Emmanuel A. Codjoe Abdurehman Eid Mark Kakraba-Ampeh James Keeley 《发展研究杂志》2014,50(7):903-925
AbstractDespite much research on large land deals for plantation agriculture in Africa, reliable data remain elusive, partly because of limited access to information and practical and methodological challenges. International debates are still shaped by misperceptions about how much land is being acquired, where, by whom, how and with what consequences. This article aims empirically to test some common perceptions through an analysis of findings from research conducted in three African countries: Ethiopia, Ghana, and Tanzania. The article presents new evidence on the scale, geography, drivers and features of land deals, relates findings to data from earlier research and international efforts to monitor land deals, and outlines possible ways forward for ongoing monitoring of the deals. 相似文献