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931.
Carlos Oya 《The Journal of peasant studies》2013,40(3):593-601
The World Development Report 2008 (WDR-2008) on agriculture and development has been received with much expectation and controversy. This paper welcomes some aspects of the WDR-2008 that help us reinvigorate some debates on agricultural development, so far marginalised in international development policy agendas. The paper, however, focuses on some critical problems in the report and the World Bank's stance on agriculture. First, there are tensions between advocacy and research and between the World Bank's rhetoric and operational realities. Secondly, the report suffers from the usual adherence to superficial win-win scenarios that mask conflict of interest and power relations. Thirdly, the WDR-2008 is caught in a tension between neo-populist pro-small farmer views and ‘modernist’ pro-agribusiness stances. Fourthly, the analysis of agricultural development in isolation from broader development processes and especially without a systematic analysis of industrialisation and agriculture–industry relations seriously limits the analytical and empirical value of the report. 相似文献
932.
933.
Bertha Z Osei‐Hwedie 《South African Journal of International Affairs》2013,20(1):25-41
Botswana is known to be Africa's oldest stable democracy. But its parliamentary system is still dominated by the executive and the political opposition remains weak. 相似文献
934.
Carlos Guanziroli Antonio Buainain Alberto Sabbato 《The Journal of peasant studies》2013,40(5):817-843
This article compares the main findings of Brazilian agricultural census data of 1996 with the same of 2006 by applying the methodology known as ‘FAO/INCRA’ (Food Agriculture Organization/Instituto Nacional de Colonização e Reforma Agrária) which allows the characterization of family farms in relation to the total universe of farms. In this comparison several variables are shown, including the share of family farming in the total value of production, in the total number of farms, utilization of modern technology and partial factor productivity. Census data shows that family farming has changed from 37.91 percent of total production value to 36.11 percent during a decade of strong expansion of agriculture as a whole, demonstrating the economic relevance of this segment which, besides producing food, is integrated in the most important productive agricultural chains of the Brazilian agribusiness. Family farming is a heterogeneous segment, with different sub-segments. During the studied period of ten years the most rich of these sub-segments (A) has increased participation in total production, while the poorer sub-segments (C and D) have only grown in absolute terms without a corresponding increase in production. 相似文献
935.
Jorge Iván Vergara Daniela Leyton Legües Mauricio Sepúlveda Galeas Germán Lagos Sepúlveda Carolina Tavares Peixoto Ana Vergara Del Solar 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2023,42(2):283-301
This article aims to reconstruct the social imaginaries of Coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) in Chile. We seek to understand how families interpret their experience confronting the pandemic by identifying four main aspects: (a) the COVID-19 pandemic, (b) working and learning, (c) health and (d) family life. Following Habermas' distinction between lifeworld and social systems, we consider these issues as constituting the social imaginary of lifeworld, different but related to the imaginaries of social systems. The qualitative empirical data was gathered through a sample of 38 families interviewed online between September 2020 and January 2021 in four Chilean cities: Iquique, Valparaíso, Santiago and Concepción. Other complementary sources of information are multimodal ethnography (digital diaries), press articles and state reports. 相似文献
936.
937.
Studies were conducted to evaluate the forensic applicability of multiplex amplification of HLA-DQ alpha and PM loci. These loci could be simultaneously typed by reverse dot blot approach where allele specific oligonucleotide probes were immobilized on a nylon membrane strip. Allele and genotype frequencies for HLA-DQ alpha and PM loci were determined in Chinese Han population. The frequency data can be used in individual identification and paternity test. 相似文献
938.
The contraction bands of cardiac and skeletal muscle probes were studied. They were taken from autopsy cases with different death causes. The morphologic characteristics of the contraction bands that were closely related to diagnosis were carefully observed. It was found that the morphological patterns of the contraction bands were various and some were regularly seen for the death with certain causes. The forensic significance of the contraction bands was then discussed and it was suggested that the morphology of contraction bands of the striated muscle correlate to the type and structure of tissues as well as to the property of injuries. 相似文献
939.
Lucas Núñez 《Political Behavior》2016,38(4):899-920
In this paper I study strategic voting behavior in the Argentine Senate election for the City of Buenos Aires in 2013. I estimate and analyze the voter transition matrix between the primary and general elections using a Bayesian hierarchical model for ecological inference, utilizing a rich data set of ballot box data. The results show that strategic behavior is not widespread among the electorate in Buenos Aires. In particular, at least 75 % of voters who had the opportunity to avoid vote wasting by behaving strategically did not. I also find high levels of vote wasting when analyzing other provinces during the same election cycle. These results suggest that these electorates might be composed of a mixture of voters with strategic and expressive motivations, where the expressive factions dominate. 相似文献
940.
Carlos de la Torre 《Democratization》2016,23(2):221-241
This article analyses how the interactions between a strong populist government in Ecuador and a weak, divided, and inefficient internal opposition in a context of weak liberal institutions could lead to what Guillermo O'Donnell termed “the slow death of democracy”. Rafael Correa was elected with a substantive project of democratization understood as economic redistribution and social justice. His administration got rid of neoliberal policies and decaying traditional political parties, while simultaneously co-opting social movements, regulating civil society, and colonizing the public sphere. Because the judiciary was subordinated to Correa, social movement activists, journalists, and media owners could not use the legal system to resist Correa's crack down of civil society and regulation of the privately owned media. They took their grievances to supranational organizations like the Organization of American States. When these organizations stepped in to challenge Correa, his government denounced imperialist intervention in his nation's internal affairs, and advocated for the creation of new supranational institutions without US presence. 相似文献