Occupational stress and the line correctional officer

Stress is clearly a part of the human condition, especially in today’s crowded and complex society. In the criminal justice system in particular, occupational stress can be seen to be a problem for its employees. The present study examined aspects of stress for the line correctional officer, utilizing a number of approaches. Situations perceived as stressful were identified by interviews conducted with correctional officers. Information was then gathered by interviewing a second sample as to the types of coping responses available to correctional officers in these situations. The results indicated that officers reported periodic work overload, the handling of promotions, and conflicts with supervisors and initiates to be the most stressful situations. Correctional officers also indicated that in most of the stressful situations generated, there were few coping responses available to them, and that they had little or no control over these situations. Since most of the situations presented to correctional officers resulted in no constructive coping responses, the hypothesis was advanced that correctional officers who stay on the job develop cognitive coping processes in order to handle stressful situations. Furthermore, correctional officers tended to deny the stresses of the occupation and consequently experience feelings of helplessness and alienation.     

Partisan and ideological belief systems: Do they differ?

In this paper a direct comparison is made between the cognitive content of ideological and partisan belief systems. A quasi-experimental design was used in a two-part study. Subjects were randomly assigned to either a partisan or ideological condition and asked to categorize and then scale contemporary leaders, groups, and issues as either Democrat or Republican, liberal or conservative. Results indicate that the meanings of partisan and ideological belief systems are quite similar — their cognitive attributes (issues, groups, and leaders) are interchangeable at the categorical level and highly correlated (r=0.86) in their degree of typicality. Political sophistication is determined to contribute significantly to the degree to which partisan and ideological belief systems are related. For politically sophisticated subjects (Ss) the two belief systems are highly related (r=0.90), whereas for low sophisticates, the belief systems are only moderately related (r=0.50). Sophistication also plays an important role in structuring Ss' own issue preferences. High sophisticates in both the liberal-conservative and Democratic-Republican conditions exhibit a greater level of issue constraint, which can be interpreted as either ideological or partisan constraint.Paper delivered at the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, September 1983.     

Conferencing in aboriginal communities in Canada: Finding middle ground in criminal justice?

This essay was written while the author was a Visiting Fellow, Law Program, Research School of Social Science, Australian National University, Canberra, Australia. The outline for this essay was first presented at a seminar convened jointly by the Law Program and the Centre for Aboriginal Economic Policy Research, Australian National University, March 22, 1995.     

Barriers to services for rural and urban survivors of rape

A significant proportion of survivors of rape do not utilize formal services to cope with the aftermath of rape. Understanding victimization experiences in environments that differ on resources, such as rural versus urban areas, may be an important dimension to consider in understanding barriers. Thirty women (18 rural and 12 urban) were recruited from rape crisis centers to participate in focus groups. Study results suggest that (a) survivors of rape experience many barriers to service utilization, (b) there were some differences in barriers to service utilization that were mentioned only in rural areas and some that were mentioned only in urban areas that may suggest that community context is important to consider in understanding barriers to service use, and (c) barriers to health and mental health services overlap with barriers to criminal justice system services.     

What's in a Sector? The Shifting Career Plans of Public Policy Students

Recent decades have seen a trend in which public policy graduates shun government and enter private-sector employment. In part, the shift reflects changing sectoral opportunities, but its magnitude and consistency are puzzling—even troubling—in light of the need for public-sector talent. Data from a two-year series of surveys and interviews with policy students reveal that many begin their training with uncertain career goals and ambivalence about public-sector work. Interest in government declines from entry to graduation, and it appears that the policy curriculum—heavy on analytic methods and conveying cautions about policy making—does little to promote a public-sector orientation. Those planning to enter government are strongly motivated by a desire to have an impact, whereas those drawn to the private sector seek financial resources and professional development. Many anticipate fluid careers and choose positions expected to offer growth, a feature more commonly associated with private than public jobs.     

Theories of Political Literacy

This paper tests cognitive mobilization, structural role, and traditional socialization agent theories of political literacy, conceptualized as the potential for informed political participation. Political literacy cannot be measured directly, but we presume that if people are politically literate, they understand party differences and know basic political concepts and facts. Other names for this concept include political expertise, political awareness, and civic competence. Using Jennings and Niemi's youth-parent panel socialization data, we conclude that cognitive mobilization has the largest effect on political literacy, followed fairly closely by structural roles. Socialization agents have a very minor effect. This conclusion partly supports prevailing cognitive mobilization explanations of this concept. However, self-selection causes much of the relationship between political literacy and education, making education's cognitive mobilization potential far smaller than most political scientists assumed. Political involvement and ability are the main sources of cognitive mobilization instead, and education's spurious cross-sectional effect primarily reflects structural roles.     

Shattered expectations: Public responses to “out-of-character” presidential actions

Six alternative hypotheses about public responses to out-of-character presidential actions were tested in an experiment that manipulated both the president's preexisting policy position (a hawkish or a dovish stance in international affairs) and the nature of his action in an international crisis (hawkish versus dovish). In addition, subjects themselves were classified as hawks or doves. Approval of the president and of his response to the crisis was a complex function of the policy views of the subject and the consistency of the president's action with his past record. Doves supported presidents and actions that were compatible with their own dovish leanings but resented a dovish president who behaved hawkishly, generally confirming the view that similarity breeds attraction. By contrast, hawks were willing to tolerate dovish behavior if it was undertaken by a hawk, supporting the expectation that out-of-character actions are uniquely capable of disarming would-be opponents. For neither hawkish nor dovish presidents were these findings consistent with the waffling interpretation, which holds that inconsistency per se is downgraded. Compared to presidents whose actions were consistent with their previous beliefs, out-of-character presidents were preceived as more changeable, in both positive and negative senses; were believed to have disliked doing what they had done; and were judged to have been relatively uninfluenced by internal causes.