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321.
This article examines variation in state commitment to protectingthe natural environment. We contribute to theoretical and empiricalresearch in this area in two primary ways. First, our dependentvariable consists of a general measure of state commitment tothe environment. Second, we develop a causal model that integratessix major explanatory approaches to state environmental policy.Our results show that stales with liberal public opinion, strongenvironmental interest groups, liberal legislatures, and professionalizedlegislatures are the most committed to environmental protection.States' manufacturing interests and economic resources playa relatively minor role, and slates' environmental conditionsand the influence of the federal government play virtually norole in explaining variation in general state commitment toenvironmental protection.  相似文献   
322.
The purpose of this study was to examine the relationship between neonatal behavior and prenatal and perinatal risk factors in infants of teenage and older mothers in Puerto Rico and Mainland United States. The sample included approximately 300 newborn infants;half were examined in Puerto Rico, the other half in Florida, using the Brazelton Neonatal Behavioral Assessment Scale. Comparisons by maternal age and the number of obstetrical complications showed that for the Puerto Rican group, infants with fewer obstetrical complications were better able to regulate their crying and active states. Infants of teenage mothers with fewer complications had a higher level of arousal than infants of older mothers with fewer complications. Infant behavior in the Mainland sample did not vary by maternal age or complications. Multiple regression analysis indicated that the combination of biomedical variables significantly predicted neonatal behavior in both cultures. Mother's age was not separately correlated with neonatal behavior, but was repeatedly combined with other variables in the significant regressions. The findings suggest that infants of teenage mothers may differ from infants of older mothers, particularly in the organization of state behavior, and that the effects of maternal age on neonatal behavior are increased in the presence of biological outcome factors.This article is based on a final report to the NICHD Center for Population Research, Contract N01-HD-7283.Received Ph.D. from Michigan State University. Main research interests are determinants of neonatal and infant development, assessment of preterm and at risk infant.Received Ph.D. from Harvard University. Main research interests are sociocultural aspects of development, teenage pregnancy, infant temperament and psychophysiology.Received M.A. from University of Florida. Main research interests are prenatal and prenatal factors on development, maternal obstetric medication, and behavioral teratology.  相似文献   
323.
The beliefs of 107 teachers who students have for mathematics the last year of elementary school are compared to the beliefs of 64 teachers the same students have for mathematics the first year of junior high school. As hypothesized, posttransition teachers trust students less, believe more strongly in controlling and disciplining students, and have a weaker sense of teaching efficacy than do pretransition teachers. There are no significant differences in beliefs about the nature of ability as a fixed trait. It is suggested that societal stereotypes about early adolescents may flourish in school settings that are exclusively for that age group, so that teachers believe these students are unlikely to make much academic progress and must be controlled.This research was made possible by grants from the National Institute of Mental Health (MH31724) to Jacquelynne S. Eccles, the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development (HD17296) to Jacquelynne S. Eccles, and the National Science Foundation (BNS-8510504) to Jacquelynne S. Eccles and Allan Wigfield.Received Ph.D. in Education from the University of Michigan. Research interests are adolescent development, middle years education, teacher beliefs, and classroom processes.Received M.A. in Education from the University of Michigan. Research interests are adolescent development, classroom environments, and supporting beginning teachers.Received Ph.D. in Psychology from the University of California at Los Angeles. Research interests are development of self-concept, subjective task value, interests, and activity preferences, especially during early and middle adolescence. Also investigating the impact of school and family experiences on these constructs.  相似文献   
324.
The author and a colleague served as co-mediators of the 1996 student takeover of a Columbia University building. The building takeover was the culmination of a year-long debate at Columbia over the inclusion of Ethnic Studies in the curriculum. The student protestors and university administration agreed to a settlement folllowing four days of mediation. Among the lessons learned in this case, the author cites: mediation is a process that generally involves a series of parallel seminars involving the parties and their constituents that takes place throughout the process; trust building isa task of singular importance for the mediator; a mediator sometimes may have a personal stake in the outcome that pushes the process toward settlement; it is crucial to consider the role of the media, particularly in high-profile cases; and food (or the lack of it) often affects the performance of the mediation participants.  相似文献   
325.
Prior research has found significant differences between ethnic groups in identity formation. However, most investigations have either failed to include or adjust for SES level differences. To reassess possible differences in psychosocial development between African American, American Indian, Mexican American, and White American 10th–12th grade male and female adolescents (n=123), ethnic groups were compared according to passive-active dimensions delineated in identity, sex role orientation, and locus of control. A series of analyses of covariance (using education level of father and mother as covariates) were computed using ethnicity, grade, and gender in the factorial model as main effects. Consistent with previous research, White adolescents scored significantly lower than the other groups on ideological foreclosure. Overall, however, more similarity than differences between the four ethnic groups were found. Older students were observed to be more psychosocially mature, and males scored higher than females on identity diffusion. Marginal support was gained for the proposed passive-active delineations of the dependent variables.Partial support for this project was provided to Gerald Adams through funding from the Utah State Agricultural Experiment Station, Logan, Utah, and the Social Science and Humanities Research Council, Ottawa, Canada.Received Ph.D. in developmental psychology from Department of Psychology, Utah State University. Research interests: identity formation, ego strength and psychosocial maturity in adolescence, interfaith dating and courtship, and ethnic contexts of development.(Visiting Professor, Division of Family Resources, West Virginia University, 1994–1995 academic year.) Received Ph.D. in human development and family studies, Pennsylvania State University. Research interests: personality and social development in adolescence, identity formation, parent-adolescent relationships, and adolescent social problems.  相似文献   
326.
Abstract: The degree to which leaders can influence organizational outcomes has long been a matter of controversy in the theoretical and empirical literature. This issue is especially complex in government organizations where both political and administrative leaders can influence policy and its implementation. The power of administrators may potentially exceed that of their political “masters,” particularly in municipal government in Canada where the typical structure combines a weak mayor, non-partisan elections and a chief administrative officer (cao). Annual data on municipal budget allocations, turnover of mayors and caos in forty-nine Ontario municipalities were examined over a fourteen-year period in order to assess the relative impact of changes in these two leadership positions on variations in expenditures for six categories of services, as well as two income variables. Our methodology replicated and expanded on the analysis of variance approach used by Salanick and Pfeffer (1977) in a study of the influence of mayors on municipal budgets in the United States, and by Lieberson and OConnor (1972) who studied the impact of presidents and board chairs on financial indicators in 167 US. manufacturing corporations. Our analysis, like these two previous studies, shows that leadership turnover has an insignificant influence on variation in municipal income and budget allocations, while the decision-making environment - the city itself and the year - accounts for most of the variation. Although neither mayors nor caos have a significant influence on municipal budget allocations in Ontario, the results suggest that the power of caos is somewhat greater than that of mayors. Our concluding discussion explores implications of this limited study for debates about the power of leaders in organizations, and about the relative influence of politicians and administrators in local government in Canada. Sommaire: II y a longtemps que règne la controverse, dans la littérature théorique et empirique, pour savoir dans quelle mesure les leaders peuvent influer sur les résultats d'une organisation. Cette question est particulièrement complexe dans les organismes gouvernementaux, où des leaders tant politiques qu'administratifs peuvent influencer les politiques et leur mise en oeuvre. Le pouvoir des administrateurs risque de dépasser celui de leurs maîtres politiques, particulièrement au niveau des gouvemements municipaux au Canada, dont la structure type combine un maire faible, des élections non partisanes et un directeur administratif (DG) à la tête de l'administration. On a examiné sur une période de 14 ans les données annuelles sur les allocations budgétaires municipales et le roulement des maires et des DG de 49 municipalités ontariennes; notre but était d'evaluer l'impact relatif qu'avaient les changements survenus dans ces deux postes de direction sur la variation des dépenses dam six catégories de services, ainsi que sur deux variables de revenu. Notre méthodologie a repris et élargi l'analyse de variance utilisée par Salanick et l'feffer (1977) dans une étude concernant l'infiuence des maires sur les budgets municipaux aux États-Unis, et par Lieberson et O'Connor (19721, qui ont étudié l'effet qu'avaient les présidents et les présidents des conseils d'administration sur les indices financiers de 167 sociétés manufacturières américaines. Comme ces deux études précédentes, notre analyse indique que le changement de chefs n'a pas d'effet significatif sur ia variation du revenu et des allocations budgétaires municipales, tandis que le contexte décisionnel (c'est-à-dire la ville elle-même et l'année en cause) est à l'origine de la plus grande partie des variations. Bien que ni les maires, ni les DG n'aient une influence significative sur les allocations budgétnires, les résultats suggèrent que le pouvoir des DG est quelque peu supérieur à celui des maires. La conclusion explore les conséquences de cette étude séctorielle sur le débat concernant le pouvoir des leaders dans les organisations et concernant l'influence relative des politiciens et des administrateurs au niveau des gouvernements locaux au Canada.  相似文献   
327.
Abstract

The online buzz leading up to the 2015 Singapore general election (GE2015) favoured opposition parties and personalities, encouraging perceptions that the opposition would garner more votes than in 2011. Instead, the ruling People’s Action Party won and saw an increase in their vote share from 60.1% in 2011 to 69.9%. What role, then, did social media play in this election? This study shows that, against prevailing assumptions, GE2015 was not a social media election. Through an online survey of 2,000 respondents conducted after polling day, it was found that mainstream media and their online counterparts were used most frequently and were trusted more as sources of information about the election. Online and offline political participation was also low. However, social media users were more interested in election issues, were more likely to discuss politics with others and participated more in offline political activities than non-users.  相似文献   
328.
This article reports findings from an evaluation of an MSW child welfare training program focused on increasing retention of knowledgeable, competent and experienced child protective service workers. From qualitative data gathered as part of the process evaluation, we found the cohort effect to be the most salient factor participants experienced as contributing to their successful program completion and their 100% retention rate. Analysis of the cohort effect yielded five themes instrumental in participants' individual and collective success: mutual support, empowerment, belief in self and their finding of a home base which ultimately helped them to launch their professional selves.  相似文献   
329.
Prior research on civic duty has focused on national elections, believed to be the most salient. Evidence on turnout gaps between election levels suggests that it is relevant to inquire whether people feel that they have the same duty to vote in national, subnational, and supranational elections. The article investigates this phenomenon, comparing citizens’ attitudes towards national, European, and regional elections in ten regions from four countries. About one-quarter of European citizens demonstrate a lesser degree of duty towards European rather than in national elections. Differences in duty levels for national and regional elections are infrequent and concentrated in regions with nationalist movements. Both rational and identity considerations explain why some individuals feel less obliged to vote in a particular election than in another, but the latter matter more.  相似文献   
330.
Did the bombing of the federal building in Oklahoma City affect the public's perception of terrorism as a political issue and their perceptions of individual risk and personal vulnerability? The author finds that the bombing in Oklahoma City altered neither the public's assessment of personal risk nor its reported behavior. Public opinion on terrorism and crime share three patterns: (1) perceived risk of victimization and the likely consequences affect public apprehension; (2) the voiced sense of personal security bears a direct relationship to the relative familiarity of the setting; and (3) the public shows resistance to the media's portrayal of risk. Opinion data indicate that domestic terrorism is likely to be seen as important in general and in the abstract, but with low personal risk, little impact on individuals' routine behavior, and, consequently, low political salience. In light of terrorism's purpose of inducing fear and the public's generally placid response on a personal level, the author concludes that the bombing failed as an act of domestic terrorism.  相似文献   
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