Shattered expectations: Public responses to “out-of-character” presidential actions

Six alternative hypotheses about public responses to out-of-character presidential actions were tested in an experiment that manipulated both the president's preexisting policy position (a hawkish or a dovish stance in international affairs) and the nature of his action in an international crisis (hawkish versus dovish). In addition, subjects themselves were classified as hawks or doves. Approval of the president and of his response to the crisis was a complex function of the policy views of the subject and the consistency of the president's action with his past record. Doves supported presidents and actions that were compatible with their own dovish leanings but resented a dovish president who behaved hawkishly, generally confirming the view that similarity breeds attraction. By contrast, hawks were willing to tolerate dovish behavior if it was undertaken by a hawk, supporting the expectation that out-of-character actions are uniquely capable of disarming would-be opponents. For neither hawkish nor dovish presidents were these findings consistent with the waffling interpretation, which holds that inconsistency per se is downgraded. Compared to presidents whose actions were consistent with their previous beliefs, out-of-character presidents were preceived as more changeable, in both positive and negative senses; were believed to have disliked doing what they had done; and were judged to have been relatively uninfluenced by internal causes.     

“I could not have made it without them”: Examining Trainee Cohort Perspectives on MSW Education for Public Child Welfare

This article reports findings from an evaluation of an MSW child welfare training program focused on increasing retention of knowledgeable, competent and experienced child protective service workers. From qualitative data gathered as part of the process evaluation, we found the cohort effect to be the most salient factor participants experienced as contributing to their successful program completion and their 100% retention rate. Analysis of the cohort effect yielded five themes instrumental in participants' individual and collective success: mutual support, empowerment, belief in self and their finding of a home base which ultimately helped them to launch their professional selves.     

Do people feel more of a duty to vote in some elections?

Prior research on civic duty has focused on national elections, believed to be the most salient. Evidence on turnout gaps between election levels suggests that it is relevant to inquire whether people feel that they have the same duty to vote in national, subnational, and supranational elections. The article investigates this phenomenon, comparing citizens’ attitudes towards national, European, and regional elections in ten regions from four countries. About one-quarter of European citizens demonstrate a lesser degree of duty towards European rather than in national elections. Differences in duty levels for national and regional elections are infrequent and concentrated in regions with nationalist movements. Both rational and identity considerations explain why some individuals feel less obliged to vote in a particular election than in another, but the latter matter more.     

General Election 2015 in Singapore: What Social Media Did and Did not Do

Abstract

The online buzz leading up to the 2015 Singapore general election (GE2015) favoured opposition parties and personalities, encouraging perceptions that the opposition would garner more votes than in 2011. Instead, the ruling People’s Action Party won and saw an increase in their vote share from 60.1% in 2011 to 69.9%. What role, then, did social media play in this election? This study shows that, against prevailing assumptions, GE2015 was not a social media election. Through an online survey of 2,000 respondents conducted after polling day, it was found that mainstream media and their online counterparts were used most frequently and were trusted more as sources of information about the election. Online and offline political participation was also low. However, social media users were more interested in election issues, were more likely to discuss politics with others and participated more in offline political activities than non-users.     

The State of U.S. Federalism, 1999-2000

Federalism has rarely been a key national campaign issue, andthe presidential campaign of 2000 was no exception. Althoughthe candidates talked of a key state-local issue—education—itwas in the context of the popular concern over the quality ofschools, rather than federalism issues of governmental responsibilityfor education. However, one aspect of federalism was evidentin the presidential campaign. The first president of the newmillennium may get a chance to name at least one U.S. SupremeCourt justice. Given the slim 5–4 majorities on most federalismcases, the appointment or appointments could be pivotal. Meanwhile,in the Congress and state Capitols, technology and globalizationissues forced a rethinking of traditional intergovernmentalfiscal and regulatory functions.     

The Terror that Failed: Public Opinion in the Aftermath of the Bombing in Oklahoma City

Did the bombing of the federal building in Oklahoma City affect the public's perception of terrorism as a political issue and their perceptions of individual risk and personal vulnerability? The author finds that the bombing in Oklahoma City altered neither the public's assessment of personal risk nor its reported behavior. Public opinion on terrorism and crime share three patterns: (1) perceived risk of victimization and the likely consequences affect public apprehension; (2) the voiced sense of personal security bears a direct relationship to the relative familiarity of the setting; and (3) the public shows resistance to the media's portrayal of risk. Opinion data indicate that domestic terrorism is likely to be seen as important in general and in the abstract, but with low personal risk, little impact on individuals' routine behavior, and, consequently, low political salience. In light of terrorism's purpose of inducing fear and the public's generally placid response on a personal level, the author concludes that the bombing failed as an act of domestic terrorism.     

Agreement on intimate partner violence among a sample of blue-collar couples

This study assessed agreement level about the occurrence of past-year male-to-female partner violence (MFPV) and female-to-male partner violence (FMPV) among a sample of 897 blue-collar couples. Intimate partner violence (IPV) was measured with the Physical Assault subscale of the revised Conflict Tactics Scales (CTS2). Agreement level was assessed with Cohen's kappa statistic. Lower-bound estimates (based on couple agreement that an IPV event occurred) and upper-bound estimates (based on uncorroborated reports from either partner that an IPV event occurred) were calculated. Results indicated low agreement for most IPV behaviors (kappa < .40). Estimated lower- and upper-bound rates for MFPV were 6.7% and 21.2%, for FMPV, 7.1% and 24.2%, and for any IPV, 10.1% and 30.2%. Findings suggest that single-point IPV prevalence estimates are biased; lower- and upper-bound estimates using collateral reports should be calculated when possible. In addition, findings underscore the importance of conducting IPV research among understudied populations, such as working-class couples, that may be at elevated IPV risk.     

The public sector and co-creation in turbulent times: A systematic literature review on robust governance in the COVID-19 emergency

The capacity of public sector of co-creating with other stakeholders is challenged by the increasing presence of disruptive turbulent events, such as the COVID-19. At this regard, robustness has been identified as a suitable response to deal with this kind of events. Through a systematic literature review, we analyzed how public sector organizations have co-created with other actors during the COVID-19 and what have been the contribution of robust governance strategies. Our findings point firstly to the empirical validity of the robustness concept, providing evidence of the extensive use of robust governance strategies into the co-creation processes. Second, we identified a configurational approach to robustness, with governments co-creating by simultaneously employing several robust strategies. Thirdly, we observed a more active involvement of societal stakeholders, with emergence of proto-institutions and potential threats to the political system.     

Recruitment,selection and promotion of visible‐minority and aboriginal police officers in selected Canadian police services

Abstract: The demographic composition of the Canadian police services in major cities generally does not reflect the diversity of the communities they serve, especially with respect to the representation of visible minorities and aboriginal peoples. As many commissions and inquiries on race relations issues in policing have reported, this lack of representation may be a factor that is hindering the effectiveness of police work in major urban centres across Canada. Hence, many commentators have called for increased representation of visible minorities and aboriginal people in the police services through effective recruitment, selection and promotion strategies. In this article, through the use of both quantitative and qualitative research methodologies, the authors identify and assess the various staffing and promotional policies and practices of thirteen police services across Canada. Results suggest that there has been some progress in the representation of visible minorities and aboriginal people in policing over the fifteen‐year period of this study. However there is still room for considerable improvement in the policies, practices and culture of police services if they are to become more representative of the diversity of the communities they serve. Sommaire: La composition démographique des corps de police canadiens dans les grandes villes ne reflète généralement pas la diversité des communautés desservies, particulièrement en ce qui concerne la représentation des minorités visibles et des Autochtones. Tel que signalé par de nombreuses commissions et enquêtes sur les questions de relations inter‐raciales se rapportant à la police, ce manque de représentation est peut‐être un facteur qui nuit à l'efficacité du travail de la police dans les grands centres urbains du Canada. De nombreux observateurs ont donc préconisé une plus forte représentation des minorités visibles et des Autochtones au sein des corps de police grâce à de bonnes stratégies de recrutement, de sélection et de promotion. En suivant une méthodologie de recherche à la fois quantitative et qualitative, nous identifions et évaluons dans cet article les diverses politiques et pratiques de dotation et de promotion de treize corps policiers à travers le Canada. D'après les résultats, la représentation des minorités visibles et des Autochtones dans les corps de police aurait connu un certain progrès au cows des quinze années étudiées. Cependant, il reste encore du chemin à faire en ce qui concerne les politiques, les pratiques et la culture des corps de police pour mieux représenter la diversité des communautés qu'ils desservent.