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This essay by Joshua Cohen and Charles Sabel promotes visions of democracy, constitutionalism and institutional innovations which may help to open up new dimensions in the search for legitimate European governance structures and their constitutionalisation. Faced with Europe's legitimacy problems, proponents of the European project often react by pointing to the many institutional failings in the (national) constitutional state. These reactions, however, seem simplistic, offering no normatively convincing alternatives to the once undisputed legitimacy of a now eroding nation state. The essay by Cohen and Sabel forecloses such strategies. Summarising and endorsing critiques of both the unfettered market system and the manner of its regulatory and political correction, it concludes that the many efforts to establish new equilibria between well-functioning markets and well-ordered political institutions are doomed to fail, and opts instead for fundamental change: conservative in their strict defence of fundamental democratic ideals, such ideas are radical in their search for new institutional arrangements which bring democratic values directly to bear. How is the concept of directly-deliberative polyarchy complementary to and reconcilable with our notions of democratic constiutionalism? To this question the readers of the essay will find many fascinating answers. Equally, however, how might the debate on the normative and practical dilemmas of the European system of governance profit from these deliberations? Which European problem might be resolved with the aid of the emerging and new direct forms of democracy identified in this essay? How might direct democracy interact with the intergovernmentalist and the functionalist elements of the EU system? Although this essay contains no certain answers to these European questions, its challenging messages will be understood in European debates. 相似文献
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The Review of International Organizations - 相似文献
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Charles Lockhart 《East Asia》2001,19(3):51-83
Particularly for Americans, Japanese political institutions present a paradox. On one hand, in comparison to other advanced
industrial societies the size of Japan's public sector (as a proportion of GDP) is extremely small. On the other hand, Japan's
small but expert state is highly interventionary, leaving far less to the vagaries of markets than the United States or even
the more statist societies of Europe (Johnson 1982). This contrast leaves many American analysts, particularly economists
but others (Esping-Andersen 1997) as well, in a quandary as to whether Japan is a liberal individualistic society. I draw
on Douglas-Wildavsky “grid-group” theory to explain these seemingly contradictory institutional characteristics as the result,
not of liberal individualistic influence, but of conflict between and the alternation in dominance of two factions of Japanese
hierarchy. My primary focus of attention rests on showing how these two hierarchical factions produce a public policy orientation
with a predisposition toward state social intervention but periodic restraint with respect to public social programs that
accounts for the modest fiscal size of the active Japanese state. I also examine Japanese public policy responses to recent
difficulties in overcoming recession and confronting increasing immigration to clinch the case that Japan is a society in
which various factions of hierarchy, rather than liberal individualism, dominate. 相似文献
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